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                    <text>Bench in Parc Güell

In Park Güell, designed by Antoni Gaudí, there is a long tile bench which consists of
numerous interesting components, one of them being the art form of trencadís. Conrad Kent refers
to the bench, in his article From Pleasure Gardens to Places of Dures, as a “brilliantly tiled bench
that wraps around the central theater of the park” (Kent 2002: 227). The bench is not tiled like
most would think, with the same decorative pattern all the way around, instead it decorated using
trencadís.
Trencadís is using broken tile from various sources to tile and decorate a specific item,
there are different pictures and colors included when using this method. Trencadís is something
that Gaudí is known for using, which as Robert Hughes points out in Barcelona the Great
Enchantress, by saying that “Gaudí was fascinated by how mosaic fragmentation of trencadís”
(Hughes 2004: 140). Gaudí asked people to bring him broken pieces of tile. There is also a deeper
meaning to trencadís, as Josep Sobrer discusses in his article Against Barcelona, “in symbolic
terms, trencadís exalts the poor, the broken, the outcast” (Sobrer 2002: 212). Gaudí got the tile
from everyone who would give him tile, he did not just use tile from the rich and that is one way
that Gaudí was able to uplift the poor.
Gaudí was able to portray a deeper spiritual meaning and make something look absolutely
astounding all while using trencadís, and the bench in Park Güell is a huge highlight of what he
did while using this method.

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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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Camille Kresz</text>
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                <text>Victoria Bishop</text>
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                    <text>Gaudí: Nature, Religion and Politics
The documentary Antoni Gaudí by Teshigahara (1984) is a great showcasing of the
buildings that were designed by the architect, such as the Casa Milà, Colonia Güell, Park Güell,
and the Casa Batlló, but especially the Sagrada Família. The Sagrada Família is of the most
famous tourist destinations in Barcelona. This beautiful piece of architecture, like Gaudí’s work
in general, veered from the norm of the time. His architectural pieces were like nothing else in
the city. While many buildings were very straight edged and industrial, Gaudí worked with a
style that was more whimsical and curved, and he even tried to bring in aspects of the natural
world. Because it is known as Gaudí’s most famous work, Sagrada Família is the last building
shown in Teshigahara’s documentary, and its representation takes up the greatest chunk of time
(56:30-1:10:53). His work has allowed for so many advancements to be made in Barcelona, and
as a consequence, Gaudí will never be forgotten—his work will live on forever.
Today, no one dares to challenge or correct his work or question his stylistic choices;
however, this was not always the case. Prior to the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) there were
people who opposed Gaudí’s work. Some of the intellectuals of the time mocked Gaudí’s
creation, including George Orwell who called it “one of the most hideous buildings in the
world” (Sobrer 2002: 210). Orwell quoted in his Homage to Catalonia that “the Anarchists had
bad taste in not blowing it [Sagrada Família] up when they had the chance” during the Spanish
Civil War (Orwell 1938: 225). Gaudí’s work was also representative of Catalan Modernisme,
which was opposed by the Noucentistes (Sobrer 2002: 210). However, the traits that define
Noucentistes—“noucentisme, imperialisme, arbitrarisme, classicisme, civiltat”—all align with
Gaudí’s work as it improves previous architectural styles and encapsulates essence of Barcelona
(Sobrer 2002: 211). Today, the Sagrada Família stands as a monument to a vision born of a
period of social and ideological conflict; it is a supreme exemplar of values that Gaudí explored
in almost all of his works (Kent 2002: 227). It contributes to the “standard, popular, totalizing

�vision of Barcelona, figured as a combination of old and new emblematic elements” (Balibrea
2010: 204).
Not merely an architectural genius, Gaudí also a member of the Asspciació Catalana
d’Excursions Científiques. This group, full mountain aficionados, was a good fit for Gaudí. All
of his life, Gaudí has had a special place in his heart for mountains. This affection and interest
only grew when Gaudí began to establish solid philosophies towards nature. He took inspiration
from another architect, Paul Abadie, the designer of a Parisian church located on the mountain
Montmartre. However, Gaudí took a different approach to Abadie’s idea. He decided to forego
using Barcelona’s mountains, Montjuïc and the Collserola range, and instead turn Barcelona
into a mountain itself. To accomplish this, Gaudí toyed with the relationship between
Barcelona’s neighboring city and the Sagrada Família (Sobrer 2002: 205-06).
Rarely is a mention of Barcelona made without a reference to Antonio Gaudí—known
for his unique and modern style that has made is works iconic. He drew many of his influences
from nature and paid close attention to detail in his structures. His work manages to be
“genuinely and forthrightly modern while still incorporating regional differences” (Hughes
2004: 113), an aspect that is important for Catalan architectural nationalism , as outlined by
architect Domènech i Montaner. In most if not all of his plans Gaudí let religion, in addition to
nature, inspire his design of the buildings. Heaven, or Paradise, was an inspiration for Gaudí.
He incorporated his thoughts of what he thought Paradise is like into many of his works, not
just Sagrada Família. When he designed and built Park Güell for example, “Gaudí created the
garden with a series of references to Paradise” (Kent 2002: 226).
Gaudí’s work also incorporated some political influences. When he was getting the
original financing for the Sagrada Família done, he was able to reach across class lines to get
people to donate to the project. Sobrer points out this fact, writing that “Gaudí himself, in his
fund-raising efforts, spoke of sacrifice, of giving ‘til it hurts’ as he gathered contributions from

�all runs of society” (Sobrer 2002: 218). This was unusual, as most of the time it was just people
from the upper class that would donate to such projects and finance them. People from lower
classes helping with funding was something that was not as common. He was also motivated
by a populist impulse as he used techniques like trencandís and maqueta funicular, notably for
the construction of Parc Güell.
Trencadís is using broken tile from various sources to tile and decorate a specific item,
there are different pictures and colors included when using this method. Gaudí asked people to
bring him broken pieces of tile. There is also a deeper meaning to trencadís, as Josep Sobrer
discusses in his article “Against Barcelona”: “in symbolic terms, trencadís exalts the poor, the
broken, the outcast” (Sobrer 2002: 212). Gaudí did not just use tile from the rich, and that is
one way that Gaudí was able to uplift the poor. Maqueta funicular is a technique using buckshot
and string, or chain, to calculate the shape of arches and inclination of columns. Gaudí’s
techniques, like his work, are also criticized for their anti-intellectualism and reactionary
conservatism (Sobrer 2002: 213). However, the evolutionary nature of Gaudí’s work was not
appreciated on a large scale until decades after his death. Indeed, in the middle of construction
for Sagrada Família Gaudí unfortunately died when he “was killed by a street car one June day
in 1926” (Hughes 2004: 128).
According to Sobrer, “[Barcelona]'s reputation in the non-negligible world of tourism is
built around Gaudí" (Sobrer 2002: 209). Antonio Gaudí’s unique style of architecture is
incredibly specific to Barcelona, it blends a surrealist style and traditional architectural design
into a beautiful functional structure. His designs truly are incomparable to those in any other
city in the world, and have been highlighted by many photographers and filmmakers alike.
Gaudí’s work was very different from that of other architects in his time; it has been closely
associated with Catalan spaces. In fact, it can be argued that “to decry Gaudí would be to decry
Barcelona, if not Catalonia” (Sobrer 2002: 209).

�—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Victoria Bishop, Ariel
Fricke, Rachel Harris, Grace Langley, Tricia Malcom, Amy Musgrave, Kendall Schunk, Sarah
Spangler, Vyas Jayati and Claudia Woznichak

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                    <text>Electricity, Technology and Architecture

Technology in Barcelona thrived in the early 1900s thanks to healthy competition between
many firms (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Before the introduction of electricity and light
and the founding of the Asociación Española de Luminotecnia (AEL), citizens of Barcelona lived
a lifestyle that revolved around daylight; they were not able to do a majority of things once the sun
had set, because they were not able to see. The AEL had goals to change all of this—it did not aim
to make artificial light a luxury good, but a normal item which anyone could enjoy. The AEL
wanted to be able to “spread ‘modern’ methods for ‘scientific’ use of light and its practical
application to hygiene, traffic regulation, decoration, and home comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan
2016: 223). They wanted people all over the city to be able to improve their daily life functions by
extending the time periods in which they were able to do them. This took time and many different
approaches. The switch to a more thermal and hydroelectric approach lowered costs and allowed
for more civilians to be able to have electricity at their disposal. In 1915, the city held the
International Exhibition of Electrical Industries, which “celebrate(d) the city’s early
electrification” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Due to competition with wood, kerosene
lamps and candles, “it took decades for electricity to fully spread into urban life” (Ferran and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 225). There were many ups and downs in cost, efficiency, and benefit that took
a toll on Barcelona’s inhabitants, but in the end electricity was efficient and beneficial enough that
it could then be used in other locations across the Catalan capital.
Electrical light is evidence of an entirely different kind of, yet monumental, modernism
that reached Barcelona in the 1800s. To imagine Barcelona without electricity today would be to
pretend as though half of the city did not even exist. “Electric lighting was presented as an agent
of change from night into day” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 231), allowing for the emergence

�of electrical appliances and longer opening hours for shops. This also made life at home easier, as
all the rooms in the house could continue to be used even at night. La Rambla was the prime
location for experimenting with the trials and errors of urban electricity. The first time that light
was truly implemented and used efficiently was during the year 1875. A spotlight was put in place
illuminating an area of approximately 750 meters, from the Porta de la Pau to the Opera, the Liceu
(Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 223). During this time there was also another lighting fixture set
up to illuminate a factory that was next to the seafront. The 1880s and onward were known as a
transitional period for Barcelona; during this time, “electricity played a crucial role in the profound
technological changes that progressively transformed urban landscapes and citizens’ habits”
(Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224-25).
The AEL was the first group that tackled attempting to introduce lighting to Barcelona, but
it was not until Universal Exhibitions were held in both 1888 and 1929 that it became a more
locally acceptable thing to use in daily life. It was also during the year 1888 when the Exhibition
was held where “more than 2,000 Edison electric lamps passed through La Rambla, Passeig de
Colom (Hotel International), the exhibition, and on its grounds, the magic fountain and the night
celebrations at the maritime display” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). This allowed for the
night time to now become an active time where tasks and chores could be done, instead of only
being limited to the daytime. After the Exhibition in 1888, the Parc de la Ciutadella, along with La
Rambla, became the hot spots for “science popularization,” with the creation of such sites as the
Museu Martorell, the zoological garden, and the Umbracle (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez
2016: 97). These additions to the Parc de la Ciutadella were things that the public had never seen
before, which would make them more open to new technology that was being brought up during
this time. The citizens became more familiar with change, which then made them more open to

�the idea of trial and error that came with the introduction of electricity in their area. This allowed
for the start of the modification of La Rambla, which would in turn lead to the modification of all
of Barcelona.
Although there was quite a bit of opposition to the idea of electric lighting in Barcelona at
first, the exchange of new electrical knowledge led to its widespread use. Introduction of electricity
is known as one of the “most thrilling developments in the interwar period” in Barcelona (Ferran
and Nieto-Galan 2016: 228). The 1929 Barcelona International Exhibition paved the way for
marketing and advertising techniques that were eventually able to spread the idea to every corner
of the city. For example, even though people in the neighborhood of Sant Gervasi were against an
electric lamppost, the people residing in the Poble Sec neighborhood celebrated lighting. The
change in people’s minds in regards to electricity can be partially attributed to the magnificence
of the electric magic fountain designed by Carles Buigas. It was the most liked spectacle at the
Exhibition, and it helped the public appreciate electricity. As a result, electric lighting attracted
new customers in places like the Pompeya music hall in Paral-lel or Cinema Mayland in Placa
d’Urquinaona (Hughes 2004: 127). Shops on Avinguda del Portal de l’Angel continuously kept
their lights on at night in order to promote their businesses (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 237).
Many groups wanted to further incorporate the use of electrical light into the home and appliances.
To do so, showrooms were created to demonstrate how artificial light could be incorporated into
the home. These models were meant to replicate a home setting in order to encourage others to use
electrical lighting. Additionally, in 1930, the Barcelona City Council announced that the owner
of the best lit shop window would receive a reward of 10,000 pesetas. Thirty-six shops entered,
and this was a successful attempt in spreading the use of electrical light in Barcelona (Ferran and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 235). After a while, ‘showrooms’ became very popular as they provided a space

�for experts as well as laypeople to come gain knowledge on electrical lighting as well as compare
electrical devices such as lamps, vacuum cleaners, refrigerators, etc. before making a decision to
buy one. This helped bridge the gap between skepticism and curiosity, allowing people to focus
on the benefits of electrical lighting and begin incorporating it seamlessly in their everyday life. In
short, “electricity [raised people] to the throne of the utmost comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan
2016: 238), and in turn, completely transformed the nature and progression of Barcelona’s urban
atmosphere in a relatively short period of time.
While modern technology is used for light, it can also be used for recreation. The
installation of electrical lighting in the city paved the way for the emergence of amusement parks
throughout Barcelona. The article “Technological Fun” describes the “politics and geographies”
of amusement parks (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and begins with a journalistic
text from 1926. The journalist describes the city as “dancing a marvelous dance around the
foreigner” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and continues to describe the dizzy
feelings and sharp sounds juxtaposed with city work life—the amusement parks are “alongside
transport networks” and function in conjunction with the city (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez
2016: 92). The authors make a point that amusement parks are not just for fun, three things are
considered.

“The public and their experience of technological fun” comes first, then “the

mechanical rides,” and finally, “the promoters and their ideologies” (Sastre-Juan and ValentinesÁlvarez 2016: 96).
The fact that “amusement parks are included as elements of the perceived experience of
urban technification and transformation of public spaces” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez
2016: 92) speaks to the underlying technological, social, and political significance they possess.
Back then, all amusements parks were located on the periphery of the city of Barcelona, in three

�main areas: Parc de la Ciutadella, Collserola mountain range, and Montjuic Hill (Sastre-Juan and
Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 95), otherwise known as the ‘technological fun belt’. These amusement
parks were chockfull of rides, cafes, open green spaces, museums, sculptures, and so on. They
were originally targeted towards the bourgeoisie, but eventually customers from the middle class
and ‘respectable’ part of the working class began to visit them as well. The first mechanical
rollercoaster was introduced in 1888 in the Parc de la Ciutadella but was later moved to Placa de
Catalunya (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 96). These mechanical rides were not the
only attractions at the parks. At amusement parks one could enjoy “music, eating, drinking,
strolling around, and watching other people” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 97).
In addition to being places that provided entertainment to people of all ages, amusement
parks were a grand representation of the influence of urbanism on the city of Barcelona. The
explosion in the popularity of amusement parks occurred during “urban transformations and social
struggles” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 100). This, nonetheless, had negative
implications on the impoverished residents of the shanties that previously occupied the area that
Montjuic now did. Not everyone in Barcelona was a proponent of these parks, and there was
notable resistance to their being located within the city. Alongside the ‘technological fun belt’ was
the ‘red-and-black belt’, where the poor people were being relocated to ‘casas baratas,’ or ‘cheap
houses’. To tie it all together, “the regime of the pleasure of the new mechanized and standardized
technological fun was closely tied to the rise of the new technical elites and in tune with the new
regimes of knowledge” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 111). All of this, then, was
about much more than just roller coaster rides. Changes in electricity and technology were
transforming urban culture in Barcelona.

�Architecture has been another spectacular presence in the Catalan Capital. In the third
chapter of his book Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, Robert Hughes describes the period of the
Renaixence as having “plenty of architecture of stunning and almost implausible originality”
(Hughes 2004: 113) and compares the culture of Barcelona to a museum (Hughes 2004: 114). In
addressing the transitions between old and new perspectives on architecture and technology,
Hughes compares buildings before and after the Renaissance in terms of technological
advancements. He explains the various ways in which brick can be used, for example, noting that
it can create “flat Catalan arches, round Moorish ones, cogging, diapers, tricky reveals, [or]
corbels” (Hughes 2004: 116). This was groundbreaking, as brick had previously been seen as a
plain material with little more than a single use. Hughes’ fascination with developing architectural
shapes and figures is evident in his admiration of the workmanship of the Palau de la Musica
Catalana, where he states, “No modernista building in Barcelona was or ever would be as
ecstatically received as Domènech’s Palau de la Musica Catalana” (Hughes 2004: 126-27). This
particular building was awarded the Argument's best building prize in 1908 for displaying “genius
and art characteristic of Catalunya, strong as its race, great as its history, and beautiful as its
incomparable sky” (Hughes 2004: 116). Hughes continues to describe the building, stating that no
music hall had such an “intense, even furious” commitment and loyalty to its performers as this
building did. Additionally, He admires the Sagrada Familia for both its architecture, and its ability
to bring people together: “The Sagrada Familia was intended to be what its name say: a temple,
where Catalans would converge to do penance for the sins of modernity (Hughes 2004: 130).
These and other readings discussing interconnected issues of electricity, technology, and
architecture in Barcelona highlight the social discontent in Barcelona that comes with the evolution
of new ideas. While not all people agree with shifts to modernity, they can be indicative of details

�about the culture affected by the changes. Overall, the challenges Barcelona faced were connected
to a sense of pride, being as it was said that “there is no blood and race definition of who is and
isn’t a Catalan. The mere fact of being Catalan confers no rights or privileges in Catalunya”
(Hughes 2004: 130). The people of Catalunya were the ones who were there from the start to the
finish; they went through it all, and experienced everything and they felt very prideful in this fact.

—Edited by Benjamin Fraser from original texts by Andrew Lee, Jayati Vyas, Claudia
Woznichak

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                    <text>Park Güell

Antoni Gaudí and Eusebi Güell began construction of Park Güell, a vast garden
suburb above the city in Barri de la Salut in Gràcia in June 1900. “For fourteen years,
Güell and Gaudi collaborated on what had begun as a garden suburb for sixty families
set on 37 acres of rugged terrain on the Collserola range” (Kent 2002: 226). Its
purpose was to lure buyers to an English-style high-income subdivision (Sobrer
2002: 214). Each of the sixty families was to have an individual house. No wall could
be higher than 80 centimeters and no hedges or other obstructions were permitted.
“Wildness in nature was celebrated and protected: Oaks, carob trees, Spanish
broom, rosemary, and other indigenous plants were preserved” (Kent 2002: 226).
Gaudí created the garden with a series of references to Paradise, through allusions to
the sacred mountain of Monserrat and the grottoes and shrines of traditional
Catalonia that he incorporated into the site's layout” (Kent 2002: 226).
The road and path system in Park Güell was to be an interlocking network more
than a grid, in contrast to Cerdá’s design for the Eixample, the district beside Park
Güell (Hall 1997).
Although the commercial project eventually failed, it did not inhibit Gaudí from
constructing a massive stone Golgatha at the park summit. Now, there is a brilliantly
tiled bench that wraps around the central theater of the park, a Doric-style hypostyle
hall that provides space for civic functions and celebration of local festivities honoring
Catalan culture.

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                    <text>1992 Olympic Games

In 1992, it was time for the countries of the world to take part in another Olympic Games.
That year, it was being hosted in Spain’s coastal city of Barcelona. The city is no stranger to the
hostess role when it comes to internationally scaled events; they had previously hosted two
International Exhibitions. However, this would be the largest event they would host to date.
Located towards the southern part of Barcelona, the construction of the Olympic stadium
and villages sparked a pretty large urbanization change. In fact, it was the third “building boom”
in Catalan history to restore and refigure Barcelona (Hughes 2004: 38). Robert Hughes, author of
Barcelona: The Great Enchantress states that Catalan building booms tend to “defy common
sense”; this includes building and elaborating the city beyond financial means and, in the case of
the Olympics, relocating some of the citizens (Hughes 2004: 39-40). Vila Olimpica, or Nova Icaria
as it is known today, specifically required a complete reorganization of buildings, beaches, and
architect's parks (Kent 2002: 234). If Barcelona was aware that hosting the Olympics would cause
lavish amounts of renovation and trouble among their citizens, one may wonder why Barcelona
dawned the task of holding the Olympics in the first place.
When the Olympic structures were first being planned, Barcelonan’s took it as a chance to
catch up on modernity. After the end of the Franco regime in the late 1970s, they were eager to
escape the “grey vestige” Franco left behind (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). They also took
it as a chance to gain international attention and tourism. While they did gain attention as hosts,
there was a, “lack of international attention for the city and its history” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 2).

�Unfortunately, it seems that Barcelona encountered more negatives than positives by taking
on the hostess job for the Olympics. While there were legitimate intentions behind the construction
and execution of the games, it mostly lead to unrecognition and economic drain for the city. Today,
the Olympic areas continue to stand as tourist attractions, but it is disappointing that attention came
after a time they needed it most.

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                    <text>Olympic Games: Urbanization and Controversies
One of the biggest and most drastic developments to hit the urban scene of Barcelona was
the Olympic games of 1992. The city was awarded the games in 1986 and the preparation started
right away, the need for an infrastructure upgrade was urgent. Barcelonans took the Olympic
Games as a chance to catch up on modernity. After the end of the Franco regime in the late
1970s, they were eager to escape the “grey vestige” Franco left behind (Hochadel and NietoGalan 2016: 2). Catalunya was bringing back its culture and the Games were a way to show it
off to the world, which is why the city was excited and proud.
Redesigning a city is no easy task, and it is also not a cheap task. There had to be funding
for all the projects that were going on in the city. The central government of Spain recognized
the need to upgrade the city for the 1992 Olympic Games. Some believed that “a major
international event such as the Olympic Games would be high-jacked once more by the Spanish
state, [but] Barcelona was able to gain the world’s attention and to maintain it” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). There was a response from the government on the funding of the city
overhaul: “the city received substantial financial aid from the central government to prepare the
infrastructure needed to host the Olympics in 1992” (McNeil 2002: 247). This funding gave
Barcelona the ability to do the upgrading that needed to happen.

The city approached this endeavor by embarking upon and rendering many projects, such
as new expressways, Olympic stadia, and two communications towers. Encompassed by Sant
Andreu in the north, Sant Adriá del Besós in the east, the Mediterranean Sea in the south, and
Ciutat Vella in the west, the Poblenou underwent a lofty renovation that commenced in the
1980s that brought upon the reconstruction of one of its districts into the Olympic Village.

1

�Occupying ex-industrial land and extending from the Gothic Quarter into the
Mediterranean Sea, six large shopping centers were opened to the public in the years between
1992 and 2002 (McNeill 2002: 247). One of these centers included the Maremagnum, a mall
the currently dominates the resting place of an old dockyard, Moll d’Espanya. Within the
Maremagnum exists an abundance of stores that are attributed with encouraging “continuous
consumption and insulation” from the reality found outside its walls (Sánchez 2000: 295). Its
surrounding environment offers much to be seen, and has also been confronted with criticism
that accuses it of following the path of many cities in the United States, in which the city is
allegedly geared towards gratifying tourists rather than its own people.

Antonio Sánchez’s article “Barcelona’s Magic Mirror” talks about the social
repercussions that occurred as Barcelona tried to redevelop. He writes about the evolving city
and how it turns from a city of nature to something filled with several large shopping malls,
luxury leisure centers and tourist attractions.One of his most notable quotes was: “It can be said
that Barcelona’s redevelopment has transformed the ailing modern city into a gigantic
postmodern mirror reflection an idealized image of itself to local and global audiences alike”
(Sánchez 2000: 303). This is a powerful statement; it essentially states that the image of the city
is an illusion. Its efforts to revitalize were more concerned with improving how it was portrayed
and interpreted rather than with what it truly is. This can be explained through Barcelona’s
desire to be recognized as a world leader, often putting on a show so that others would believe
they were just as developed.
The period of time during and immediately after the Games in 1992 is, however, marked
by a series of major crises as well, coinciding with cessation of the flow in public money due
to the Olympics and repercussions of a general recession in the global economy. There were
also widespread job cuts and the city grew increasingly dependent on wider trends in economic
2

�restructuring. The council pushed forth a number of new projects for development on certain
sites in the city that were meant to “balance and spread development through the municipal
territory” (McNeill 2002: 247), but instead, these projects put the city at risk for increased
gentrification and loss of greenery. The world saw the city as modern and beautiful, but the
residents saw the truth and their rights were pushed down to present this image. McNeill writes
about how the Olympic have lost their nobility and how the buildings once built for the events
now sit unused (McNeill 2002: 257). Are hosting the Olympics a blessing or a curse? Many
cities will face an economic downfall after hosting the Olympics. They spent millions of dollars
building facilities that will rarely be used after the Olympic are over.

Nonetheless, the Olympics and the urbanization they entailed also had benefits, as “the
city’s redevelopment has improved not only its aesthetic appearance but also its urban
infrastructure and social cohesion” (Sánchez 2000: 305). The modernistic redevelopment of the
city has positively affected citizens’ daily lives such as efficient public transport, improved
social facilities, and full access to local public spaces. This shows that it is inevitable for a city
to undergo urbanization, and in many cases, that may not be a bad thing after all.
It is a very difficult thing to determine what the most beneficial thing would be for a
city – to succumb to the fact-paced nature of modernism and revamp the landscape in order to
fit in with the rest of the world, or to maintain the rich history that renders a city as unique and
iconic? Overall, though the games did cause a small economic downfall before and after they
were held, the games also brought attention to the city of Barcelona, to Catalunya and to the
Spanish State.
—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Victoria Bishop, Brooke
Palmer, Graziella Dominado, Lillie Rhodes, Kendall Schunk, Sarah Spangler and Vyas Jayati

3

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Victoria Bishop,&#13;
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Lillie Rhodes,&#13;
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Sarah Spangler,&#13;
Jayati Vyas,&#13;
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                    <text>Sagrada Família

The Temple Expiatori de la Sagrada Família located in the heart of the city of Barcelona
began to be built in 1875. This expiatory temple is one of the most well-known monuments in
Barcelona, and even Spain as a whole, for a variety of reasons. One of those reasons is because
it is technically a construction project; one that has lasted a little over one hundred and thirty
years. Indeed, the proposal for the project was made in 1870 and fundraising began in 1873
(Sobrer 2002: 205-06). Francisco de Paula del Villar was the first architect to work on the
Sagrada Família project. Antoni Gaudí took over in at the end of 1883 when Francisco de Paula
del Villar abandoned the project and he worked on it until his death in 1926. His detailed plans
were used after his death until they were vandalized or destroyed during the Spanish Civil War
a few years later (Sobrer 2002).

The Sagrada Família is a very interesting looking building—unlike many of the
surrounding buildings, it is not quadratic. The shapes of the building are soft and round. The
steeples are rounded and pointed, with unique figurines at the top of each one. Another aspect
of the church that adds to its beauty is the extensive use of alabaster. The windows are coated
with layers, which allows the church to possess a distinguished look. Alabaster, the semi-soft
stone, is usually flaxen or very faint in color—almost see-through. This contributes to the
surreal atmosphere of the church and presents the viewer with a sense that they are in a space
that is touched by heaven. Other rare procedures were used, like maqueta funicular, or unique
touches like trencadís, the recycling of scrap materials to create convoluted mosaics (Sobrer
2002: 209-210).

1

�Antonia Gaudí was very well known for his naturistic designs. Intended to resemble a
mountain of its own, the Sagrada Família will triangulate the two peaks that Barcelona sits at
the foot of: Montjuïc and Tibidabo. Inside the Sagrada Família are many more allusions to the
beauty of the natural world. There are stained glass windows, but unlike most stained glass
windows that are present in many other churches, these windows are stained with bright greens
and blues that allow more natural light to come into the cathedral. The shades of blue and green
are reflected all around the room giving it the look and feel of a forest setting. The columns
along the halls work with these colorful cascades to further the illusion of the forest. Having
the plan of morphing Barcelona into a city interwoven with nature, Gaudí shaped the Sagrada
Família in accordance with the outline of Montserrat, the holy mountain home to La Moreneta,
the patron saint of Catalonia (Sobrer, 2002: 208). In doing so, Gaudí introduced the concept of
faith through an architectural tribute to Barcelona. It is believed that Gaudí designed the church
to reach a height slightly below that of Montjuïc (the highest point in Barcelona) so that God’s
creation was “never superseded by man (Structure and form: web).” It was built to inspire
religious and patriotic revival within the people.
The church features three grand façades, so that no matter what entry point visitors choose
they will experience something deeply profound.
The Nativity Façade was the most directly influenced by Gaudí, being designed and
completed under his direction. The Nativity portal is known as the one clear Catholic
reformism. This façade is dedicated to the birth of Jesus and faces northeast toward the direction
of the rising sun, covered in intricately sculpted designs and figures.
The Passion façade was one of the features added after the loss of Gaudí and his coveted
plans. This façade faces the West and was designed to strike fear in the viewer. Facing the
setting sun, it shows a stark contrast to the intricacies of the Nativity Façade with its bare walls
and columns made to imitate human bones. All of these design elements allude to the fact that
2

�this façade was designed to tell the story of the death and suffering of Christ. Construction
began for the final façade in 2002, the Glory Façade. This façade will eventually be the main
access to the central nave, dedicated to the journey of humankind through the acceptance of
God, death, final judgment and eventually Glory.

Throughout its history, the Sagrada Família has also been the subject of criticisms and
controversies. After the Spanish Civil War, Barcelona was in shambles; the Franco regime
caused all of Barcelona to become neglected and ignored. The architectural masterpiece was
regarded as nothing more than “disposable rubbish,” with famous author George Orwell calling
the monument “one of the most hideous buildings in the world” (Hughes 2004: 29-30).
Thankfully, as time passed Barcelona began to redevelop itself as a city. Matters such as
architecture began to gain importance again.
Another controversy is the fact that today many locals to Barcelona are upset that tourists
are funding a holy and sacred church, but a few accept that there are not many other way to
receive a continuous large sum of money to complete the church. Its ongoing construction is
now almost completely funded by tourists who flock to the site. On one hand, this is bringing
tremendous tourist traffic to Barcelona and greatly impacting the economy. On the other hand,
many are concerned that this tourist traffic is actually taking away from the cultural significance
of the Sagrada Família. While tourism is definitely an effective way to raise funds, there are
concerns that this form of funding obstructs the original intention of the Sagrada Família.
Sobrer proudly proclaims that, “In its monumentality, the Sagrada Família is a triumph,
an outburst of imagination and playfulness” (Sobrer 2002: 206). Even more, the Sagrada
Família is a sign of perseverance. Despite the controversies, despite the lead architect dying
before its completion, and despite the hardships of Barcelona’s past, the mighty building is not

3

�only still standing—its construction continues even today. This contributes to the building’s
strength against time and its strength against life. No matter the obstacle, the Sagrada Família
stays strong as almost a symbol: if it can go through the life that it has, it, along with Barcelona,
can conquer anything.
—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Samuel Alvarado,
Graziella Dominado, Rachel Harris, Amy Musgrave, Brooke Palmer, Lillie Rhodes, Sarah
Spangler and Vyas Jayati

4

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                    <text>Sagrada Família

The Sagrada Família is a powerful example of nature being brought into the actual
architecture of the city. The Sagrada Família began construction in 1882, and since then has
become an iconic tourist attraction in Barcelona. The building is said “to be a mountain itself
instead rather than sit on one” which helps explain why tourists find it so awe-inspiring (Sobrer
2002: 206).
The architect of the Sagrada Família was Antoni Gaudí and as Hughes notes in his book,
Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, “The Sagrada Família was intended to be what its name says:
a ‘temple,’ where Catalans (and, Gaudí hoped, eventually the whole Catholic world) would
converge to do penance for the sins of ‘modernity’” (Hughes 2004: 130).
The construction still continues today but while the construction began as a great symbol of
religious ideals, it has become an icon of Barcelona’s tourism industry and is now funded as such
(Sobrer 2002: 206). The larger question in all of this is whether the Sagrada Família is a uniquely
Barcelonan conception or just an attempt to attract tourism and set itself on the world stage of other
modern cities. Though it does follow the pattern of iconic cultural spaces being exploited and/or
funded by tourists, the Sagrada Família is uniquely Barcelonan in its foresight to include nature in
its architecture.
The scene of the Tree of Life in the Sagrada Família from Teshgahara’s documentary about
Antoni Gaudí shows how nature was integrated into this massive monument. Gaudí was intentional
about his use of nature and as Sobrer notes, “Nowadays the emblem of the city’s architecture is
the Sagrada Família, and the city’s reputation in the non-negligible world of tourism is built around
Gaudí” (Sobrer 2002: 209).

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            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Samuel Alvarado,&#13;
Graziella Dominado,&#13;
Rachel Harris,&#13;
Amy Musgrave,&#13;
Brooke Palmer,&#13;
Lillie Rhodes,&#13;
Sarah Spangler,&#13;
Jayati Vyas,&#13;
Camille Kresz,&#13;
Benjamin Fraser</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                <text>Camille Kresz</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>02/21/2017</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>Creative Commons</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>English, Spanish</text>
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          <element elementId="51">
            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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            <description>Date of creation of the resource.</description>
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                <text>02/21/2017</text>
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        <name>Amy Musgrave</name>
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        <name>Brooke Palmer</name>
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        <name>Graziella Dominado</name>
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      <tag tagId="140">
        <name>Jayati Vyas</name>
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      <tag tagId="131">
        <name>Lillie Rhodes</name>
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      <tag tagId="101">
        <name>Rachel Harris</name>
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      <tag tagId="145">
        <name>Sagrada Familia</name>
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      <tag tagId="108">
        <name>Samuel Alvarado</name>
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      <tag tagId="94">
        <name>Sarah Spangler</name>
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      <tag tagId="91">
        <name>Spain</name>
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