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                <text>Panel 4: The Buddha dies at Kuśinagar&#13;
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                <text>The Buddha, having reached the advanced age of 80 years, slowly traveled towards Kuśinagar where he had foreseen he would die. He was given tainted food in Pawa, took his final bath in a small river halfway to Kuśinagar, and then made his way to the town itself. He gave one final sermon there and passed away, achieving his final parinirvāṇa. Mourners, both human and celestial, gather around his body.&#13;
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                <text>Panel 5: The Buddha meets Anāthapiṇḍika for the first time</text>
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                <text>After narrating the four most renowned episodes in the Buddha's life, the fifth panel turns to the narrative moments that relate more specifically to Śrāvastī and Jetavana Grove. In this panel, the Buddha encounters Anāthapiṇḍika at Rājagṛha for the first time. He invited the Buddha to visit him in Śrāvastī.</text>
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                <text>Panels 6-7: The donation of Jeta's Grove</text>
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                <text>When Anāthapiṇḍika met the Buddha in Rājagṛha, he invited him to visit Śrāvastī. Once he returned home, he sought a suitable piece of land on which to build a welcoming retreat for the Buddha, eventually settling on some land owned by Prince Jeta. The left side of the panel shows the part of the story in which Prince Jeta suggest what he considers to be an impossible price, the number of gold coins that would be needed to cover the entire piece of land. Anāthapiṇḍika's people busily begin laying out the gold coins.&#13;
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                <text>Pantaloons</text>
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                    <text>Parc de Diagonal Mar
When countries begin to consider hosting large athletic events such as the Olympics, much
discussion begins on the features of the given cities being considered to host and what features
need to be improved. Leading up to the 1992 Olympics, city officials in Barcelona decided that a
large part of their preparation would be centered around adding more green space to the city.
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the parks and gardens that were dreamed
up in preparation for the 1992 Olympics have become a central part of the Barcelonan way of
life. One of the most notable additions of parks to Barcelona since the twenty-first century began
has been the Parc de Diagonal Mar. “The city […] has set its sights on the next major urban
spectacle to follow in the tradition of the 1888 and 1929 World’s Fairs and the Olympics: a 2004
World Forum for World Cultures to be located in the eastern reaches of the city towards the
Besós river” (McNeill 2002: 248). This is the central part of the new extension of the city. Its
location is significant in that it is newly developed in an area that was first declared an important
park district by the planner Ildefons Cerdà. Now it connects the Mediterranean Sea into an
enormous “green lung” that is meant to be “substantial and sustainable” (Kent 2002: 238-39).
Today, it seems that the focus on gardens is finally coming to an organized fruition in
Barcelona. The people of Barcelona are invested in the parks and the parks conform to the
structure of the city. Though parks in Barcelona have gone through many trials and errors, they
are finally becoming the center of urban life the way so many have envisioned. “These
revitalization projects create the possibility of bringing such obsolete urban spaces back into the
city’s consciousness and geographical boundaries, encouraging a rediscovery of the city’s
topography” (Sánchez 2016: 301). Had Barcelona not hosted the 1992 Olympics, many of these
improvements that greatly enriched the quality of life for the citizens of Barcelona may not have
been made (Kent 2002: 230).

�</text>
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                  <text>The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.</text>
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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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                  <text>January  2017</text>
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                  <text>Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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                <text>The Parc de Diagonal Mar is located in Barcelona, Spain.</text>
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                    <text>Parc de la Ciutadella
The connection between places and scientific discoveries has been explored by historians
of science. The attention in this research has been shifted away from “‘traditional’ sites of
knowledge such as laboratories, observatories and collections” and toward “sites such as […]
hospitals, churches, princely courts, pubs, and coffee house[s]… and many more” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). It was found that the location of the site and of the discovery mattered.
Visitors to such sites determine the “social meaning” of the “urban space” by using it as a place
for “everyday activities” rather than making these discoveries in distant laboratories (Sánchez
2002: 296). The urban environment of Barcelona “shaped the practices […] related to science,
technology and medicine” but these practices also “changed the urban environment” (Hochadel
and Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). This two-way dynamic relationship between practice and environment
helps shape the city and its ideas.
In Barcelona there are several specific locations that have “scientific practices”
associated with “a particular quarter” or “in a specific urban place” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 7). The significance of these places exists in the minds of society. For example, it matters
“where the amusement parks were located, where the Barcelonese visited the museums […], and
where the sick sought medical advice and treatments” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 7).
These places show “the ways in which scientific knowledge was transferred” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). The Board of Natural Sciences, or The Junta, had these ideas in mind
when they created Parc de la Ciutadella.
Parc de la Ciutadella was created to be “a space for the popularization of natural history”
(Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). The Parc was created with the idea that “Public parks […] were
supposed to provide a social remedy” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 27). The “remedy” was the

�idea of “social control of the working classes” that they planned to provide in the Parc, “by
means of ‘civilized’ entertainment and recreation” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 27). The other
agenda behind the panning of the park was to educate its visitors and to popularize the ideas of
science.
The plan for the Parc was approved in 1872. It was to be located “just north of the city
centre” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25) at the former site of a military fort. The first building in
the park was “the enormous Cascada in the northern corner of the Parc” (Hochadel and Valls
2016: 29). An artificial lake was also created on the Parc grounds to enhance the natural
experience. A major addition came in 1882 when the “the Museu Martorell was inaugurated in
the Parc” and became the “first public museum in Barcelona” that was “devoted to natural
history and archeology” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 30).
The idea for creating a zoo in the Parc de la Ciutadella was a natural one, since exotic
animals gifted to the government were already stored there. The inauguration of the zoo took
place in 1892. Originally the zoo was owned by Lluís Martí-Codolar and managed by Francesc
Darder. They collected “roughly 160 animals” but then “financial difficulties led Martí-Codolar
to sell it to the city of Barcelona in the spring of 1892” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 32). Operating
costs of the facility were covered by the sale of the animals and of their products. The Parc zoo
was small when taken in comparison with other European zoos but was still majorly successful.
Due to the success of the zoo, the Junta “advocated the development of the scientific
facilities of the Parc” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 34). The idea behind these new developments
was to be able to provide the city with a way to combat urban poverty. To do this they tried to
show the public the ways they could capitalize on natural resources. The Junta inaugurated an
aquarium in 1908. To expand this project, the Fish Laboratory was added in 1909. The

�laboratory contained a breeding program and was conceived with the plan “to repopulate the
rivers and lakes of Catalonia” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 38).

Municipalities could take

advantage of this resource and obtain fish and fish eggs for their rivers and lakes.
The many resources and attractions of the Parc led to its popularization. This
popularization led to the spread of the ideas and the scientific topics it sought to promote. The
public then incorporated these ideas into society but still maintained the constant association
with the Parc and its ideas.

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                    <text>Parc de la Ciutadella
The Parc de la Ciutadella, or Citadel Park, was created by Catholic naturalists to
conserve, protect, and popularize natural history for the public. The park contains a life-size
mammoth statue that would dwarf most men and women. This is meant to represent the
“fragmentary mammoth fossils found in Catalonia since 1883,” to educate those who visited the
monument, and most of all, to impress (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). The mammoth statue was
not the only attraction that the park had to impress visitors. An impressive collection of massive
rocks was gathered, each representing both the donations of a “connoisseur” and “the richness
and utility of the geological resources” available to the Catalan (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 37).
Additional attractions were added to the park over time, including a Fish Laboratory and
Zoological Garden. These served two purposes: education and economic growth. Nature could
be utilized to teach visitors while simultaneously producing revenue for the Catalan who wanted
to preserve their history and identity. The Parc de la Ciutadella also contained the first public
museum, Museu Martorell. This reflects a change in the “landscape of Barcelona’s scientific
institutions” at the turn of the century (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 5). Architecture also
evolved greatly with the park’s inception. The Arc de Triomf by Josep Vilaseca “inspired
successive generations of Barcelona’s administrators to consider grand events as a means to
transform the city in their own image” (Kent 2002: 225). The park’s focus remained on revenue
and impressing visitors with attractions rather than their own culture. As a result, while the Parc
de la Ciutadella succeeded in bringing history to the people, it may not have succeeded in
preserving Catalan culture to the fullest.

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                    <text>Parc de la Creuta del Coll
Parks serve as a reprieve from the hustle and bustle of life. This fact is articulated in the
statement that “whenever rapid industrialization occurs; the imagination of a people is altered.
Typically, a pastoral ideal reemerges” (Sobrer 2002: 217). Grasping onto this concept, Barcelona
created many parks to recreate the ‘mood’ of their overcrowded city. Signed into construction by
Josep Martorell and David Mackay, the Parc de La Creueta del Coll began the process of
landscaping, design, and planning. Devoid of vast and lust green spaces, the park was saturated
with statues.
The Parc de La Creueta del Coll is situated within a quarry in the Collserola range. While
the terrain is difficult to work and many people were skeptical about how a park can be created
from this location, Martorell and David Mackay succeeded. Their success mainly derived from
their collaboration with artists. For example, centered in the middle of the park was a cement
statue by the artist Eduardo Chillida. Born in the Basque country, he was known for his colossal
public installations. It is not a coincidence that he would be sought out since it is evident through
his works that he has talent with spatial concerns. With this location, it is important for the
sculpture to complement the park—not take away from it. Unlike other parks during this time, it
was an ‘architect’s park’. Chillida has been quoted as saying, “my work is a rebellion against
gravity” (from an interview with the artist published in Sculpture Magazine). This statement is
especially true in regards to the statue in Parc de La Creueta del Coll. Without his defiance of
gravity, the park would lack a certain level of awe. His contribution was a sculpture crafted from
heavy cement. Using four incredible hefty cables, the sculpture remains in perpetual stagnation
as it is suspended over the quarry’s pool. “[T]he Parc de la Creueta del Coll is an artistic tour de
force on 16.4 hectares of rugged terrain” (Kent 2002: 233). It gives an impression of stone-cold
beauty.

�In juxtaposition to architecture parks, there are simple green spaces that function as
public spectacles as well. These green spaces permeate a different aura than the Parc de la
Creueta del Coll. While the park mentioned is revered for its innovative use of human-made
objects and highlights the beauty that can be created solely by humankind, the green parks serve
as a reminder of how citizens can be shepherds of nature. In summary, one emphasizes
humankind’s domination of materials; the other emphasizes our harmony with the earth.
Green space can be considered as monotonous due the repetitive use of bland trees.
Especially during the 1980s, these types of parks were “defined by rectilinear plantings of a
limited range of palm trees” (Kent 2002: 235). A couple parks notorious for their simplicity are
in a close range to the Vila Olímpica. While these parks may not be as strikingly beautiful as the
Parc de la Creueta del Coll, they were designed to need little maintenance, and they serve that
purpose well, since the potted palms do not have a tendency to overgrow; however, a downfall to
primary green parks is the fact that the monolithic impression on citizens reduces the experience
of the natural environment, rather than enhance it.
In particular, the Parc de la Creueta del Coll was created due to the evolution of Spain
from a rural economy to a heavily industrialized nation. When the location of the 1992 Olympics
was chosen to be Barcelona, the city’s engineers marveled at how to transform it into something
to be envied. They had the onerous task of creating buildings in addition to the added struggle of
needing to make sure their ideas addressed the issues of transportation, housing, and public
spaces. A complete metamorphosis was needed. To accomplish this, many energy plants were
razed to make room for the Parc de la Creueta del Coll. Since it is obvious that “paying attention
to how the senses frame our experience of cities invites us to capture a largely ignored aspect of
city life that is as significant as their physical structure, namely their ‘character’ or ‘mood’”
(Hochadel and Nieto-Galen 2016: 5), the city strove to repossess the beauty that was lost by

�previous haphazard urban planning. In conclusion, both the architectural design of parks and
green space can function as a bridge between the cityscape and nature.

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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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                    <text>Park Güell

Antoni Gaudí and Eusebi Güell began construction of Park Güell, a vast garden
suburb above the city in Barri de la Salut in Gràcia in June 1900. “For fourteen years,
Güell and Gaudi collaborated on what had begun as a garden suburb for sixty families
set on 37 acres of rugged terrain on the Collserola range” (Kent 2002: 226). Its
purpose was to lure buyers to an English-style high-income subdivision (Sobrer
2002: 214). Each of the sixty families was to have an individual house. No wall could
be higher than 80 centimeters and no hedges or other obstructions were permitted.
“Wildness in nature was celebrated and protected: Oaks, carob trees, Spanish
broom, rosemary, and other indigenous plants were preserved” (Kent 2002: 226).
Gaudí created the garden with a series of references to Paradise, through allusions to
the sacred mountain of Monserrat and the grottoes and shrines of traditional
Catalonia that he incorporated into the site's layout” (Kent 2002: 226).
The road and path system in Park Güell was to be an interlocking network more
than a grid, in contrast to Cerdá’s design for the Eixample, the district beside Park
Güell (Hall 1997).
Although the commercial project eventually failed, it did not inhibit Gaudí from
constructing a massive stone Golgatha at the park summit. Now, there is a brilliantly
tiled bench that wraps around the central theater of the park, a Doric-style hypostyle
hall that provides space for civic functions and celebration of local festivities honoring
Catalan culture.

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                    <text>Plaça de Catalunya
Plaça de Catalunya serves an interesting purpose as the point of intersection between the
medieval districts of Barcelona and the modernized expansion known as the Eixample.
A popular place for tourists, Plaça Catalunya makes two appearances in the worldrenowned book No Word From Gurb by Barcelonan author Eduardo Mendoza. The main
character visits the site to “sit and think on a bench,” noting the swarms of tourists and
pigeons that congregate there. In his deconstruction of No Word From Gurb, Jeffrey Oxford
describes “both the traffic situation and the massive population of pigeons” as markers of a
globalizing city (2004: 81; also Mendoza 1990: 89).
The square features several artistic sculptures intended to illustrate the city’s rich history
while also highlighting the artistic community that has flourished in Barcelona. The
Monument to Francesc Macià found in the plaza is an ode to the Catalan history and one of its
many heroes. Macià served as president of the Generalitat de Catalunya from 1931 to 1933,
also founding the pro-independent party of Catalunya and serving as president of its
Republican Left.
The monument, constructed out of travertine marble, concrete, iron and bronze, includes
imagery of an upside staircase. Although Catalunya has been repeatedly bombarded by
negative forces intending to demolish its infrastructure, the people have managed to uphold
their identity and come out on top. This staircase symbolizes the uphill battle faced by the
Catalan people, who have had to rebuild their upturned society one step at a time. The
staircase is set upon a solid concrete base, a reflection of the sturdiness and resilience that has
become synonymous with Catalunya.

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