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Less than a quarter of a mile from the Parc de la Ciutadella, sits the towering structure
that is Arc de Triomf. There are similar structures all around the world in cities such as Paris
and New York. From the name, one might think that this arch is dedicated to some type of
military conquest. This is not the case. This arch was built to be an extravagant entrance to
Barcelona’s first World Exposition in 1888 (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). The arch
was designed by architect Josep Vilaseca and is made primarily of red brick. There are many
details on Arc de Triomf including several stone bats sculpted by Josep Reynés. These bats
were a tribute to King Jaume I who led Barcelona during a time of economic prosperity and
also ordered the construction of the Saló de Cent (Hughes 2004: 13). The bat was the king’s
lucky charm and is still an emblem of Valencia. The bat was so ingrained in the culture that it
was actually part of the first crest of the Fútbol Club of Barcelona and stands to this day as a
symbol of Catalan Independence. The arch also serves a more recreational and tourist use as a
place to meet or an interesting place to take a walk or ride a bike. Arc de Triomf is located
between the Parc de la Ciutadella and the Passeig de Sant Joan. It created a vivid cityscape
that “has inspired successive generations of Barcelona's administrators to consider grand
events as a means to transform the city in their own image” (Kent 2002: 225)

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                    <text>Parc de la Ciutadella
The connection between places and scientific discoveries has been explored by historians
of science. The attention in this research has been shifted away from “‘traditional’ sites of
knowledge such as laboratories, observatories and collections” and toward “sites such as […]
hospitals, churches, princely courts, pubs, and coffee house[s]… and many more” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). It was found that the location of the site and of the discovery mattered.
Visitors to such sites determine the “social meaning” of the “urban space” by using it as a place
for “everyday activities” rather than making these discoveries in distant laboratories (Sánchez
2002: 296). The urban environment of Barcelona “shaped the practices […] related to science,
technology and medicine” but these practices also “changed the urban environment” (Hochadel
and Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). This two-way dynamic relationship between practice and environment
helps shape the city and its ideas.
In Barcelona there are several specific locations that have “scientific practices”
associated with “a particular quarter” or “in a specific urban place” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 7). The significance of these places exists in the minds of society. For example, it matters
“where the amusement parks were located, where the Barcelonese visited the museums […], and
where the sick sought medical advice and treatments” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 7).
These places show “the ways in which scientific knowledge was transferred” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). The Board of Natural Sciences, or The Junta, had these ideas in mind
when they created Parc de la Ciutadella.
Parc de la Ciutadella was created to be “a space for the popularization of natural history”
(Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). The Parc was created with the idea that “Public parks […] were
supposed to provide a social remedy” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 27). The “remedy” was the

�idea of “social control of the working classes” that they planned to provide in the Parc, “by
means of ‘civilized’ entertainment and recreation” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 27). The other
agenda behind the panning of the park was to educate its visitors and to popularize the ideas of
science.
The plan for the Parc was approved in 1872. It was to be located “just north of the city
centre” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25) at the former site of a military fort. The first building in
the park was “the enormous Cascada in the northern corner of the Parc” (Hochadel and Valls
2016: 29). An artificial lake was also created on the Parc grounds to enhance the natural
experience. A major addition came in 1882 when the “the Museu Martorell was inaugurated in
the Parc” and became the “first public museum in Barcelona” that was “devoted to natural
history and archeology” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 30).
The idea for creating a zoo in the Parc de la Ciutadella was a natural one, since exotic
animals gifted to the government were already stored there. The inauguration of the zoo took
place in 1892. Originally the zoo was owned by Lluís Martí-Codolar and managed by Francesc
Darder. They collected “roughly 160 animals” but then “financial difficulties led Martí-Codolar
to sell it to the city of Barcelona in the spring of 1892” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 32). Operating
costs of the facility were covered by the sale of the animals and of their products. The Parc zoo
was small when taken in comparison with other European zoos but was still majorly successful.
Due to the success of the zoo, the Junta “advocated the development of the scientific
facilities of the Parc” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 34). The idea behind these new developments
was to be able to provide the city with a way to combat urban poverty. To do this they tried to
show the public the ways they could capitalize on natural resources. The Junta inaugurated an
aquarium in 1908. To expand this project, the Fish Laboratory was added in 1909. The

�laboratory contained a breeding program and was conceived with the plan “to repopulate the
rivers and lakes of Catalonia” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 38).

Municipalities could take

advantage of this resource and obtain fish and fish eggs for their rivers and lakes.
The many resources and attractions of the Parc led to its popularization. This
popularization led to the spread of the ideas and the scientific topics it sought to promote. The
public then incorporated these ideas into society but still maintained the constant association
with the Parc and its ideas.

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                    <text>Parc de la Ciutadella
The Parc de la Ciutadella, or Citadel Park, was created by Catholic naturalists to
conserve, protect, and popularize natural history for the public. The park contains a life-size
mammoth statue that would dwarf most men and women. This is meant to represent the
“fragmentary mammoth fossils found in Catalonia since 1883,” to educate those who visited the
monument, and most of all, to impress (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). The mammoth statue was
not the only attraction that the park had to impress visitors. An impressive collection of massive
rocks was gathered, each representing both the donations of a “connoisseur” and “the richness
and utility of the geological resources” available to the Catalan (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 37).
Additional attractions were added to the park over time, including a Fish Laboratory and
Zoological Garden. These served two purposes: education and economic growth. Nature could
be utilized to teach visitors while simultaneously producing revenue for the Catalan who wanted
to preserve their history and identity. The Parc de la Ciutadella also contained the first public
museum, Museu Martorell. This reflects a change in the “landscape of Barcelona’s scientific
institutions” at the turn of the century (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 5). Architecture also
evolved greatly with the park’s inception. The Arc de Triomf by Josep Vilaseca “inspired
successive generations of Barcelona’s administrators to consider grand events as a means to
transform the city in their own image” (Kent 2002: 225). The park’s focus remained on revenue
and impressing visitors with attractions rather than their own culture. As a result, while the Parc
de la Ciutadella succeeded in bringing history to the people, it may not have succeeded in
preserving Catalan culture to the fullest.

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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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Camille Kresz</text>
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Andrew Lee,&#13;
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One significant contribution to the Parc de la Ciutadella was the addition of 40 large
stones donated by those of significant standing. Those who donated did so because they felt
moved enough and wanted Catalonian nationalism to be felt by others equally as strongly as they
felt it. This was part of a series of projects that were “crucial for the formation of Catalan
identity” (Vilaros 2000: 42). They were proud of where they, and their country, came from, and
wanted people from every socioeconomic class and standing to be able to see that, too. It was
said that the “donation of a selected piece of rock to the Museu Martorell not only demonstrated
that the donor was connoisseur of the natural world, it also bore testimonies to his patriotic zeal
and commitment to Barcelona and Catalonia” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 37). The donors
wanted everyone to know that where they came from and the ground that they stood on was
extraordinary; it was not just normal stone, just as Barcelona was not a normal place, and it
deserved recognition. The stones included “limestone, gypsum, basalt, granite, porphyry and
slate” and were exhibited as “‘raw materials’ with a polished side” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 37). The 40 large stones were also accompanied by fish farms, which were added to the
Parc de la Ciutadella in order to give the entire Parc a feeling of pride and to help people of every
class and standing find ways to be more practical.

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It is undeniable that science, technology, and medicine has influenced the lives of people in
Barcelona. Science can metamorphose areas by rejuvenating them. To celebrate the
scientific/technological culture, the Parc de La Ciutadella was crafted. “The parks and gardens
also provide Barcelona with a “memory” of its deep structures,” this would include the advances
that science provided (Kent 2002: 222). The Parc de La Ciutadella is known for the Museu
Martorell. This museum was unprecedented at its time of creation since never before had a
public museum been opened and operated. Serving as a representation of the “educational”
aspect of the park, the museum generally received praise from all visitors. The museum also
allowed historians of science to “look at ‘traditional’ sites of knowledge production at
laboratories, observatories, and collections (cabinets and museums)” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 7).
Due to the patronage of Francesc Martorell i Pena, who lived from 1822 to 1878, the
museum was able to receive enough funds to operate. The building itself is beautifully designed
using the neoclassical style by a local architect named Antoni Rovira i Trias. Perhaps this style is
fitting since the Greeks were honored for their attention to order and logic, which is precisely
what Barcelona was celebrating.
“The donation of a selected piece of rock to the Museu Martorell [...] bore testimony to
[the donor’s] patriotic zeal and commitment to Barcelona” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). While
it originally housed various scientific artifacts, now the museum exclusively exhibits geology
collections.

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                    <text>Boqueria
Catalan culture has not always been as vibrant as it is today; there was a time during the
Franco regime that the culture was almost wiped out completely. In fact Teresa M. Vilarós
comments on its comeback in the article “A Cultural Mapping of Catalonia,” saying that Catalan
culture’s “present vibrancy cannot but be amazing” (1995: 45). One place to find the vibrancy of
the culture, specifically food culture, is the Boquería. Robert Hughes discussed the area in his
book Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, writing that “for any serious lover of food … there is
no other place in the world quite like the Boquería” (2004: 74). The market features non-food
items, all kinds of exotic food, and of course a large collection of fish. No matter what direction
a person looks, fish is always in sight making the odor strong. In fact fish is so important to the
Catalan way of life that a “[Fish Laboratory] was founded” in a local park in the city of
Barcelona (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 38).
The vendors in the market are friendly and willing to help customers find and get what
they need. The Boquería is large and it is possible to spend an entire day looking at everything.
One can even get lost in the maze of vendors because of how large it is. While getting in and out
of the market is tough it is worth a stop because it is a good place to try local food. The
experience of going in and seeing this renowned market is unlike any other.

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                    <text>Casa Batlló and Casa Milà

The Casa Batlló was a renovation done by Antonio Gaudí of a preexisting
apartment building, although little was left besides the ground levels. The building can
be described as “a five-story crust of shifting, aqueous color” with a roof decorated
with “giant ceramic scales” (Hughes 2004: 143). All of these characteristics come to
life in Hiroshi Teshigahara’s film Antonio Gaudí (1984). The film only shows the
exterior of the building, however, the influence of nature in Gaudí’s work can be
identified through his use of color, misshapen balconies and arches.
Further down the street, the Casa Milà came into view as competition for the
Casa Batlló. In contrast to Casa Batlló, Casa Milà “was designed from the ground up
not adapted from an existing building” (Hughes 2004:145). Antonio Gaudí was
granted complete design autonomy of the building and, as a result, Gaudí created “a
sea cliff with caves in it for people” (Hughes 2004:145). The balconies resemble the
seafloor and the columns on the roof look like “eye sockets of a Cyclopean head”
(Hughes 2004:145). The strange beauty that Gaudí created can also be seen in
Teshigahara’s film. In the film, the deep sea is translated into architectural form
through the sight of Gaudí’s work. Gaudí’s style strayed from the conventions of
traditional beauty. No other architect at the time would have dared to attempt to use
creativity on such an extreme level. However, Gaudí perfected nonconventionality
seamlessly. Overall, both pieces were magnificent in their own right and represented
Gaudí’s contributions to Barcelona’s Renaixença.

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                    <text>Saló de Cent
Robert Hughes, the acclaimed author, is head over heels for Barcelona. In one of his books,
Barcelona the Great Enchantress, Hughes wrote about how he decided to have his third wedding
in Barcelona at the city’s town hall. As Hughes describes it, the Town Hall—previously
acknowledged as the Casa de la Ciutat (‘house of the city’)—is the home to, “its most splendid
and history laden ceremonial room, the Saló de Cent” (2004: 1-3,12-14). The Saló de Cent (Hall
of the Council of One Hundred), is a room full of vibrant history originally designed by the
architect Pere Llobet. The chamber was tragically destroyed during a workers’ uprising in 1842,
but was eventually restored by Lluís Domènech i Montaner in 1880. The room is draped in red
and gold silk as a tribute to the Catalan flag (Hughes 2004: 14-14, 17-18).
The Saló de Cent was the original assembly room of Barcelona’s government—formed
around King Jaume I’s original system of probi homines (peers) that guided his majesty on
overseeing the city in the thirteenth century (Hughes 2004: 13-14). As explained by Elorza, this
was vastly different than how the government was run in the twentieth century by dictator
Francisco Franco, who “sought to eradicate every last trace of cultural difference” (Elorza 1995:
332). Vilarós explains that, “during the height of Franco’s power and censorship Ferrater
pronounced Catalan culture dead” (2000: 37). King Jaume’s original committee was comprised
of twenty members while the newer committee contained merely seven. Two of the committee’s
seven members were the chief magistrate and the mayor. Those two leaders had the power to
decide which residents would fill the remaining five spots on the committee. This board was
imperative since it was one of the first proto-democratic governments as well as one of the first
boards that allowed all affiliates to have equivalent votes (Hughes 2004: 13-14).

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                    <text>Casa de la Ciutat and Saló de Cent
City halls can be found in every metropolitan area. In Barcelona, Spain, it is the Casa de la
Cuitat. The earliest government actions were conducted within its walls after its creation in the
13th century. The Saló de Cent, or the Hall of the Council of the One Hundred, was a room
where a committee of prohoms, or peers to thirteenth century King Jaume I, would manage the
city of Barcelona (Hughes 2004; 13). A system to govern Barcelona arose from this arrangement
and lasted until the Bourbons of Madrid wiped it out in the 18th century (Hughes 2004: 14). So,
just as the President of the United States cannot make major decisions without consulting the
Congress, King Jaume I would consult the prohoms before making an official declaration.
Throughout time, Barcelona has “historically reinvented itself with ingenuity and
dramatic flare” (Kent 2002: 221). In the case of the Casa de la Cuitat, this applies in both an
architectural sense and according to the building’s purpose. Located on the Plaça de Sant Jaume,
Barcelona’s historical centre, the colors and decorations of the important building resemble the
Catalan flag, reflecting the yellow and red stripes. The exterior is crafted with pillars, a trait
found among many important government buildings around the world. The original entrance was
a gothic façade that reflected the time period in which the building was originally constructed
with the coats of arms and gothic stained glass windows (Calas). Today the entrance is a
neoclassic façade, which was constructed to reform the Plaça de Sant Jaume (Calas). Part of this
construction included the addition of two important figures: one of King Jaume I, and the other
of Joan Fiveller, a conseller who became a symbol of strength for his stance on fairness among
all social classes (Hughes 2004: 16). The Casa de la Cuitat radiates with historical and cultural
importance. Especially when relating to one important room: The Saló de Cent.

�The Saló de Cent is the most well-known part of the Casa la Cuitat. In fact, it is
distinguished as “one of the noblest places in Spain” (Hughes 2004: 17). The famous room was
designed by architect Pere Llobet in 1360 and was inaugurated in 1373 (Hughes 2004: 17).
Originally recognized as the Saló del Trentenari, this historical room used to house the meetings
of the Consell de Cent, a group of Catalan citizens that emerged from King Jaume’s original
prohoms system (Calas).

A council of one hundred Catalan citizens was created to have

representation of all walks of the Barcelonan lifestyle (Hughes 2004: 14). Today, the famous
room is used for weddings and special occasions, along with being a very popular Barcelonan
tourist attraction (Calas). While it is one of the most popular attractions in Spain, this famous
room is not the only feature the Casa de la Cuitat has to offer.
Even though they are not as well-known as the Saló de Cent, there are other important
areas of the city hall. The building’s courtyard is decorated with sculptures by famous
Barcelonan artists, including Antonio Miró, Pablo Gargallo, and Manolo Hugué (Calas).
Continuing with the artistry, the city hall has a room of chronicles with paintings along the walls
and ceilings, all created by Catalan artist Josep Maria Sert (Calas). One room, the Room of the
Regent Queen, was used more purposefully in the 1800s. This room was designed with
candelabras and sculptures for Queen Maria Cristiana; its original purpose was to provide a
space where she could socialize and drink tea, but today it is used as the plenary room (Calas).
All of these spaces, including the Saló de Cent, are available for tourism today.
During the 19th century, Spain was going through constant political conflict, and many of
these disagreements resulted in violence. The issues mostly surrounded “progressive and
reactionary régimes and radical groups advocating for social reforms” (Hall 1997: 128). The
Casa de la Cuitat, or more specifically the Saló de Cent, was not excluded from the brutality. In

�1842, the political building was bombarded during a workers uprising, and it was not rebuilt until
the 1880s by Lluís Domènech i Montaner (Hughes 2004: 17). This would be the last attack the
city hall has encountered that required reconstruction. Later on, neo-gothic decor was added,
fortunately through a non-violent necessity, in 1914 (Hughes 2004: 17). Today, the Casa de la
Cuitat is composed of three total buildings: the original building from the 14th century, the
“Nou” or New Building, and the “Novíssim” or Very New Building, which are all interconnected
(Historical). The addition of the newer buildings provided the Casa de la Cuitat with more space
(Historical). The alterations did not stop there: in 1994 mutual connections were constructed
between the three buildings to fulfill the original purpose, which was to, “improve the harmony
between the three buildings and the rest of the neighborhood” (Historical).
As one of the oldest buildings in all of Barcelona, the Casa de la Cuitat holds a lot of
history artistically, culturally, and governmentally. Each room has a story and a purpose that is
still being discovered by visitors and natives alike each day.

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                    <text>Casa Llotja de Mar
The beauty of Barcelona bewitches me, its network of streets morphing into a network
of veins, meticulous and flawless, pumping culture rich with history mixed with urbanization
back into the heart of the city. It grows, flourishes, and breathes life, all the while never losing
sight of the past that roots it.
Filling the spaces of Cerdà’s checkerboard blueprint for Barcelona’s Eixample, we find
the Casa Llotja de Mar, a prime portrayal of Catalan Gothic with its eagerness, in the words of
Hughes, to “show you its bones” (Choay 1969: 26; Hall 1997: 135). Comparable to many
Barcelonan places, the Llotja has an enrapturing history of its own. Fast-forwarding through
its past role as a meeting place for negotiating trading deals, and its shutdown and conversion
into a barracks for troops during the Bourbon conquest of Barcelona, neoclassic architect
Soler created plans for a new Llotja in 1764. After its completion in 1804, half of the top floor
housed the Escola de Bellas Artes, the main art school in Barcelona. While Pablo Picasso’s
father taught at the school as a professor, Pablo himself studied there as a student, in addition
to Joan Miró and other lesser known—but still impressive—architects, artists, and the like
(Hughes 2004: 47-52).
Above all the ornate facets found in the Llotja, I find my eye drawn to the “bones”
Hughes refers to, evident in the columns and open space seen in the main hall. Its bareness
and lack of exorbitance provide it with a raw, organic beauty that only places of the past can
capture and urbanization can overtake if excessively done. With names like Picasso walking
through the stairways of the building, one can’t help but wonder what other life filled its
skeleton.

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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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Camille Kresz</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
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                    <text>1
Conde de Asalto
One of the main geographical features in El Barrio Chino is the Conde de Asalto. The Conde de
Asalto is like a man-made river with constant foot traffic that connects the Rambles with the
Parallel. The ‘river’ grants access to many of the houses, businesses, and clinics throughout El
Barrio (Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás 2016: 171).
The presence of clinics along this river increased as the concept of social medicine
became more popular. Social medicine is the commitment of physicians to provide necessary
medical attention to deprived urban areas. The Conde de Asalto and El Barrio Chino lack
sanitation regulations and public healthcare necessary for preventing illnesses and diseases. “The
search for […] better hygienic conditions prompted some enterprising Barcelona surgeons” to
transform the Conde de Asalto through the installation of clinics (Zarzoso and Martínez-Vidal
2016: 76). The clinics are necessary for providing adequate treatment to the natives of these
areas (Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás 2016: 160). In addition to clinics, the prevalence of museos
anatómicos, or anatomical museums, increased. Professionals who practice social medicine use
museos anatómicos to educate the public on medical science, disease prevention, possible
treatments, etc. However, the museos anatómicos received negative views due to their explicit
nature (Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás 2016: 173-77).
Also explicit in nature, prostitution and brothels are very popular and in high demand in
the Conde de Asalto. Many of the establishments along the Conde de Asalto cater to the needs of
prostitutes, such as rubber ware and bathing establishments, abortion clinics, and photographic
studios, and granted access to brothels. The purpose of rubber ware and bathing establishments is
to purchase condoms and to cleanse genitalia, respectively. Overall, there is a range of

�2
businesses along the Conde de Asalto that slowly transforms from respectable to perverse as you
travel from one end to another (Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás 2016: 171-72).

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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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Camille Kresz</text>
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            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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