<rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/">
<rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/788">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Sheela-na-gig</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Bawn Area]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>The sheela-na-gig is a “female exhibitionist figure” carved in stone and found most often in the walls of medieval Irish and British buildings, usually castles or churches. Over one hundred are known to exist in Ireland, roughly twice the number as in Britain. They typically show grimacing old women holding their vulvas. Their purpose and symbolism is unknown, although various theories include warnings against the sin of lust; warding off of evil (hence functioning like a gargoyle on a church); fertility symbols; and charms to assist with childbirth (Manning).</p>
<p>Our sheela-na-gig at Kilcolman is modeled on a sandstone carving found buried in a dungeon (in the seventeenth century or before) at Glanworth Castle, Co. Cork. Glanworth was the second-most-important center of the Roche family, after Castletownroche, Co. Cork.</p>
<p>The date and ultimate provenance of the Glanworth specimen is unknown. Another sheela-na-gig figure is known from Castletownroche, and one has been found in the wall of the tower house at Fantstown, near Kilmallock, Co. Limerick. The Fantstown specimen is located in the north-eastern corner of the tower house and is evident as one approaches the main doorway.</p>
<p>This sheela-na-gig greets a visitor entering the main gate of the bawn, or outer-wall enclosure of the castle complex. We imagine that Spenser or the previous occupants of the castle, such as Sir John of Desmond, intended the sculpture to ward off evil, including enemies. Spenser’s second wife, Elizabeth, had a son with the poet and could also have appreciated any association of the sculpture with the pains of childbirth.</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>When night falls over the newlywed couple in Spenser’s wedding poem, “Epithalamion”, the speaker calls out on various demons of the night (including the Irish “Pouke”) not to disturb them in the comfort of their castle, as they make love (“Epithalamion” 334-52). According to Hugh MacLean and Anne Lake Prescott, “Spenser’s strategy” at this “liminal moment of sexuality,” a time of “transition and initiation,” is “to evoke and then shoo away grotesque fantasy figures” (641). For similar reasons, the poet earlier compares his bride to Medusa (“Epithalamion” 190) who “astonisht” onlookers at her wedding (with a pun in astonisht on turning to “stone”). Read one way, their alarm at her charm is a means of dispelling any potential ill will that the townspeople might bear towards the bride, for they clearly admire her beauty, as well. Read another way, Spenser is himself frightened by specters of female sexuality; it is something that must be overcome if he is to prosper and flourish in Ireland.</p>
<p>The most famous hag in Spenser’s oeuvre is surely the witch Duessa (her name, implying duplicity, is also an Irish name, meaning “little black one”), who is stripped and whose shame is exposed in Book I.viii of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Such as she was, their eies might her behold, <br />That her misshaped parts did them appall, <br />A loathly, wrinckled hag, ill fauoured, old, <br />Whose secret filth good manners biddeth not be told.</p>
<p>Her crafty head was altogether bald, <br />And as in hate of honorable eld, <br />Was ouergrowne with scurfe and filthy scald; <br />Her teeth out of her rotten gummes were feld, <br />And her sowre breath abhominably smeld; <br />Her dried dugs, lyke bladders lacking wind, <br />Hong downe, and filthy matter from them weld; <br />Her wrizled skin as rough, as maple rind, <br />So scabby was, that would haue loathd all womankind. (<em>FQ</em> I.viii.46.6-47)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>She is monstrous, with animal-like feet and other “filthy feature” that is “open showne”(stanzas 48-49). The imagery comes from the Bible (cf. Isaiah 3.17, 24) and other places and again presents to the reader a haunting specter of female sexuality gone bad, since Duessa had earlier appeared as a beautiful seductress. Her scabbiness here indicates age and disease, including syphilis or perhaps leprosy, a disease that afflicted the unfaithful Cressida in medieval legend. She is allowed to wander off into the wilderness by the heroes of holiness Arthur and Red Crosse Knight, from whence she will later return to cause more confusion. Duessa is not a sheela-na-gig, but like the one we’ve posted next to Spenser’s bawn gate, she represents a grotesque portrayal of female sexuality. She must be grappled with, comprehended and evaded if the Englishman is to prosper in Ireland.</p>
<p>Links</p>
<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheela_na_gig" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheela_na_gig</a> (accessed 11/29/12) [Wikipedia entry on sheela-na-gigs]]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Jørgen Andersen, The Witch on the Wall: medieval erotic sculpture in the British Isles (Copenhagen:  Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1977): 130, 146.<br />
<br />
Barbara Freitag.  Sheela-na-gigs: unraveling an enigma (London:  Taylor and Francis, 2004).<br />
<br />
Andrew Hadfield, Edmund Spenser: A Life (Oxford:  Oxford UP, 2012): 263-4.<br />
<br />
Hugh MacLean and Anne Lake Prescott (eds), Edmund Spenser’s Poetry. 3rd ed. (NY: Norton, 1993).<br />
<br />
Conleth Manning, The History and Archaeology of Glanworth Castle, Co. Cork: Excavations 1982-4.  Archaeological Monograph Series 4 (Dublin: Stationery Office, 2009): 91-3 and back cover.<br />
<br />
Judith Owens, “The Poetics of Accommodation in Spenser’s ’Epithalamion,’” Studies in English Literature 40.1 (2000), 41-62.<br />
<br />
Rory Sherlock, “Newly Recorded Figurative Carvings on Tower Houses in County Limerick.”  North Munster Antiquarian Journal 44 (2004), 15-23: 15-16.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/797">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Map of Munster Plantation</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Ground Floor Parlor ]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>Spenser the administrator would have taken a keen interest in the extent and progress of the Munster plantation. As a government official, he was intimately familiar with Ireland’s lawcourts, including those concerning property rights. As one of the main grantees, or “undertakers,“ of the plantation, he received over 3,000 acres of land around Kilcolman. He was himself embroiled in legal controversy over these lands, most notably with his powerful Old English neighbor, Lord Roche.</p>
<p>This map, contemporary to Spenser’s time on the plantation, indicates the locations of plantation holdings and their undertakers, as well as pre-existing places and lordships. The size and shape of this map indicates its origin as calf-skin, or vellum, which is stored in a folded position but is shown here hung on the wall.</p>
<p>For an example of a contemporary map by Francis Jobson with Spenser’s and Raleigh’s names listed on it, click here.</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>In Spenser’s prose tract, <em>A View of the Present State of Ireland</em> (c. 1596), Eudoxus spreads out a map of Ireland in order to better comprehend where his partner in conversation, Irenius, wishes to place military garrisons for the defense of the realm. Such garrisons would allow the government to better control the countryside:</p>
<blockquote>though perhaps I am ignorant of the places, yet I will take the map of Ireland before me and make my eyes in the meanwhile my schoolmasters to guide my understanding to judge of your plot. (View 99)</blockquote>
<p>Spenser’s poetic imagination has been described as “cartographic” in many particulars, in both method and subject matter. To give only one example, after the huge dragon is killed at the climax of Book I, canto xi of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>, most of the rescued townspeople gather around the beast in shock and awe,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Whiles some more bold, to measure him nigh stand,<br />To proue how many acres he did spred of land. (<em>FQ</em> I.xii.11.8-9)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The killing of the dragon has close analogies with the defeat of rebels in Munster, followed by the attainder and plotting out of their lands with the help of maps.</p>
<p>Links:</p>
<a href="https://folgerpedia.folger.edu/Mapping_Early_Modern_Worlds" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://folgerpedia.folger.edu/Mapping_Early_Modern_Worlds</a> [accessed 1/30/18] [Folger Shakespeare Library exhibit on maps]]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Rudolf Gottfried, “Irish Geography in Spenser’s View.”  English Literary History 6.2 (1939), 114-37.<br />
<br />
Bernard Klein, Maps and the Writing of Space in Early Modern England and Ireland (NY:  Palgrave Macmillan, 2001).<br />
<br />
Swen Voekel, “From Irish Countries to English Counties:  State Sovereignty and Territorial Reorganization in Early Modern Ireland.”  Archipelagic Identities:  Literature and Identity in the Atlantic Archipelago, 1550-1800. Ed. Philip Schwyzer and Simon Mealor (Aldershot:  Ashgate, 2004), 92-112.<br />
<br />
William J. Smyth, Map-making, Landscapes and Memory:  A Geography of Colonial and Early Modern Ireland, c. 1530-1750 (South Bend:  University of Notre Dame Press, 2006).]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/786">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Garden, bower, and tower</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Bawn Area]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>No traces of a garden have been found at Kilcolman. Very little of its bawn area has been excavated, however, and so something may yet be found comparable to what exists at Barryscourt, Co. Cork; Rothe House, Kilkenny; and Drimnagh Castle, Dublin (minus the moat). It is almost certain that Spenser had some form of kitchen garden for growing fruit, vegetables and herbs (see Bawn area: kitchen, Tower House Parlor: apples).</p>
<p>Spenser also likely had an orchard somewhere on his estate. It is possible that he had a pleasure garden as well, such as that pictured here. This garden has symmetrically designed, interlaced or “knotted” hedges according to Elizabethan patterns. The small, vine-laden arbor (or bower) for sitting and admiring the view of the garden, with its central sundial, is modeled on that at Kenilworth in England (the lavish estate of Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, Spenser’s sometime patron). Some details are taken from the garden-arbor structures in the weird dream-allegory Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (1499) of Francesco Colonna.</p>
<p>As was conventional, the garden is situated so that its patterns can also be appreciated from above, by those standing on the bawn wall or looking out of the north-facing windows of the tower house, or from its ramparts.</p>
<br />
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>Spenser in his literary works is clearly enamored of gardens, which were places of great beauty and status in Elizabethan England, as they are in <em>The Faerie Queene</em>. They are places of art and contemplation, for thinking in and on. The deeply philosophical and mythological “Garden of Adonis” is the centerpiece of Book III of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>, the Book of Chastity. [“Chastity” for Spenser did not indicate virginity only, but rather the virtues of fertility under proper, loving (including wedded) circumstances.] A decadent and licentious garden with fountains in it, the Bower of Bliss, appears at the conclusion of Book II and is destroyed by Guyon, the hero of Temperance.</p>
<br />
<p>Both the Garden of Adonis and the Bower of Bliss (as well as others) have been read by critics as having Ireland-related allegorical significance: in the former, we see an emphasis on seeding, the life-cycle and creative fertility, which may reflect Spenser’s own ideals as a “genius” creating art on his newly won plantation. In the latter, we see the sad consequences of trading heroic action for sensual, enervating ease: of living for the moment and enjoying your surroundings (including love poetry) far too much. Doughty knights must remain virtuous, armed and vigilant.</p>
<p>In Spenser’s <em>Amorett</em>i #89, the final sonnet in the sequence, the poet imagines himself as a dove (a “Culuer“) missing its mate. She is beautiful and he longs for sight of her. Her “sweet aspect“ inspires both God and man to be with her: “Whose sweet aspect both God and man can moue,/ In her vnspotted pleasauns to delight.“ A “pleasauns“ in this case signifies both the pleasure area of a garden and “pleasantness“ more generally. Should the poet not have the sight and use of his love’s figurative pleasure garden, he complains, “Dark is my day, whyles her fayre light I mis,/ And dead my life that wants such liuely blis.“ (<em>Amoretti</em> 89.11-14).</p>
<p>In<em> Amoretti</em> 64, dubbed the “garden sonnet” by critics, Spenser in a blazon, or poetic catalog on his mistress’ fair parts (a trope familiar also from the Song of Solomon in the Bible), compares his new bride, Elizabeth Boyle, to a garden:</p>
<blockquote>Comming to kisse her lyps, (such grace I found) <br />Me seemd I smelt a gardin of sweet flowres: <br />that dainty odours from them threw around <br />for damzels fit to decke their louers bowres. <br />Her lips did smell lyke vnto Gillyflowers, <br />her ruddy cheeks lyke vnto Roses red: <br />her snowy browes lyke budded Bellamoures, <br />her louely eyes lyke Pincks but newly spred, <br />Her goodly bosome lyke a Strawberry bed, <br />her neck like to a bounch of Cullambynes: <br />her brest lyke lillyes, ere theyr leaues be shed, <br />her nipples lyke yong blossomd Iessemynes: <br />Such fragrant flowers doe giue most odorous smell, <br />but her sweet odour did them all excell.</blockquote>
<p>The sonnet immediately precedes #65, wherein Spenser compares his bride to a “gentle birde… within her cage” that “singes and feeds her fill,” once she has entered into her engagement “bands” with him. The “cage” brings his house or tower to mind. Birds are also attracted to gardens, and some gardens, like Kenilworth, had aviaries in them. The same “bondage” has captured the poet and tied him to her. They are a pair of love-birds.</p>
<p>Spenser closes Sonnet 65 with a rhyming couplet, wherein a reference to a “brasen towre” is rhymed with “sacred bowre”:</p>
<blockquote>There fayth doth fearlesse dwell in brasen towre, <br />and spotlesse pleasure builds her sacred bowre. (<em>Amoretti</em> 65.13-14)</blockquote>
<p>Spenser envisions both tower and bower side by side: a “bower” could refer to an inner apartment in a mansion, including bedrooms and boudoirs (see <em>Oxford English Dictionary</em> q.v. “bower”), or to a place in a garden, such as an “arbor” or “place closed in or overarched with branches of trees, shrubs, or other plants” (<em>Oxford English Dictionary</em> q.v. “bower”; see also the reference to the “bowre” in 64.4, above, and to the “Bower of Bliss,” the pleasure garden in <em>The Faerie Queene</em> II.xii). Tower and bower here function as a mutual unit, like man and wife: the sonnet couplet brings the couple to mind. Similarly, Sonnet 64 (the garden sonnet) appears adjacent to Sonnet 65 (the tower sonnet): another coupling. Figuratively, the poet would himself correspond with the strong, masculine and sheltering hard tower (“brasen” connotes both bold and brassy), which is full of “fayth” that is “fearlesse.” His bride, correspondingly, would be the chaste or “spotlesse” and “sacred” “bowre” of “pleasure” that he anticipates enjoying on his wedding night. In that garden-room he and she will grow children.</p>
<p>Alternatively, it could be that Spenser sees his bride as the tower as well as the bower. In “Epithalamion”, the wedding poem that follows <em>Amoretti</em>, the poet returns to the use of the blazon to describe his bride. He compares her features to jewels, fruit [“Her cheekes lyke apples which the sun hath rudded,/ Her lips lyke cherryes charming men to byte” (“Epithalamion” 173-4)] and flowers, and her “snowie necke” is</p>
<blockquote>
<p>...lyke to a marble towre, <br />And all her body like a pallace fayre, <br />Ascending vppe with many a stately stayre, <br />To honors seat and chastities sweet bowre. (Epithalamion 177-80)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The poet follows Song of Solomon 7.4 in comparing her neck to a tower. The “bower” here in turn is clearly a room at the top of the tower. As in Sonnet 64, it could easily be perfumed with garden flowers, since it is the “sweet” “seat” of her “honor” and “chastity.” It is her mind, but also, in the poet’s mind, quite possibly a bedroom (see Tower House Bedroom). In Spenser’s poetry, towers and garden bowers, like bride and groom —all sites of fertility and creativity— accompany and blend into one another.</p>
Links <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypnerotomachia_Poliphili%20http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Hypne2pg.jpg" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypnerotomachia_Poliphili http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Hypne2pg.jpg</a> (both accessed 12/6/12) [Wikipedia entries with illustrations for Colonna’s text] <br /><br /><a href="http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/visit/places/kenilworth-castle/things-to-see-and-do/elizabethan-garden/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/visit/places/kenilworth-castle/things-to-see-and-do/elizabethan-garden/</a> (accessed 1/24/18) [English Heritage website for Kenilworth Castle, including recently restored Elizabethan Gardens there]]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago:  U of Chicago P, 1980): 173ff.<br />
<br />
Andrew Hadfield, Edmund Spenser: A Life (Oxford:  Oxford UP, 2012):  221, 305, 325-6.<br />
<br />
John Dixon Hunt and Michael Leslie, “gardens.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 323-5.<br />
<br />
Benjamin Myers, “The Green and Golden World: Spenser’s Rewriting of the Munster Plantation.” English Literary History 76 (2009), 473-490.<br />
<br />
—.  “Pro-War and Prothalamion:  Queen, Colony and Somatic Metaphor Among Spenser’s ‘Knights of the Maidenhead.’”  English Literary Renaissance 37.2 (2007), 215-49.<br />
<br />
Anne Lake Prescott and Andrew Hadfield (eds), Edmund Spenser’s Poetry, 4th edition (NY: Norton, 2013): 652n.<br />
<br />
Amy Tigner, Literature and the Renaissance Garden from Elizabeth I to Charles II:  England’s Paradise (Burlington, VT:  Ashgate 2012).]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/787">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Kitchen</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Bawn Area]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>Archaeologist Eric Klingelhofer suggests that a kitchen building may have been attached to an interior bawn wall (also hypothetical) that runs roughly SW-NE between the Tower House and the east bawn wall. A small kitchen building is therefore recreated at the intersection of this interior wall and the east bawn wall. A covered servants’ corridor runs between the kitchen and the Great Hall.</p>
<p>It is almost certain that Kilcolman also had some form of kitchen garden for growing fruit, vegetables and herbs (see Bawn area: garden and Tower House Parlor: apples).</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>Spenser’s House of Temperance, an allegory for the human body (see also Tower House Study: desk and Tower House Privy), has a huge kitchen, symbolizing the stomach:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>It was a vaut ybuilt for great dispence, <br />With many raunges reard along the wall; <br />And one great chimney, whose long tonnell thence, <br />The smoke forth threw. And in the midst of all <br />There placed was a caudron wide and tall, <br />Vpon a mightie fornace, burning whott, <br />More whott, then Aetn’, or flaming <em>Mongiball</em>: <br />For day and night it brent, ne ceased not, <br />So long as any thing it in the caudron got.</p>
<p>But to delay the heat, least by mischaunce <br />It might breake out, and set the whole on fyre, <br />There added was by goodly ordinaunce, <br />An huge great payre of bellowes, which did styre <br />Continually, and cooling breath inspyre. <br />About the Caudron many Cookes accoyld, <br />With hookes and ladles, as need did requyre; <br />The whyles the viaundes in the vessel boyld <br />They did about their businesse sweat, and sorely toyld. (<em>FQ</em> II.ix.29-30)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Links</p>
<a href="https://www.hrp.org.uk/hampton-court-palace/schools/key-stage-3/tudor-kitchens-revealed/%20" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://www.hrp.org.uk/hampton-court-palace/schools/key-stage-3/tudor-kitchens-revealed/</a> (accessed 1/30/18) [the kitchens of the Tudor palace, Hampton Court, near London]]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Andrew Hadfield, Edmund Spenser: A Life (Oxford:  Oxford UP, 2012):  221, 325-6.<br />
<br />
Eric Klingelhofer, “Edmund Spenser at Kilcolman Castle: the archaeological evidence.”  Post-Medieval Archaeology 39.1 (2005), 133-54.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/789">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Helmet, Spanish</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Great Hall]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>When the great Spanish Armada was defeated by the English and blown away from the English Channel in 1588, many of its ships sailed homeward by first travelling north, rounding Scotland and Ireland, then travelling out into the open Atlantic on their way southwest to Spain. Many did not arrive, crashing on Irish shores in frightful weather, with thousands of sailors and soldiers lost.</p>
<p>Spenser was in Ireland to help administer in the aftermath of the disaster, which offered considerable spoils to the victors (see also Tower House Bedroom: Chest). This helmet, or morion, could represent a trophy and souvenir from that period or from an earlier battle, the siege of Smerwick, Co. Kerry in 1580, which involved both Spanish and Italian troops fighting under the banner of the pope. Another helmet is located in the Tower House Study.</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>The lengthy battle between Prince Arthur and the evil, tyrannical Souldan in Book V.viii of <em>The Faerie Queene</em> has long been read as an allegory for the English defeat of the Armada, and more recently as an allegory combining these events in Ireland as well.</p>
<p>The hero of Justice, Artegall, helps mop up the Souldan’s men and drive his frightful wife, Adicia, “like an enraged cow” off into the woods (<em>FQ</em> V.viii.46.1). Both strength of arms and God’s grace help them to victory.</p>
<p>Like an ancient Roman general, Arthur takes the Souldan’s armor and shield as a trophy or “eternall token” of his victory:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Onely his shield and armour, which there lay, <br />Though nothing whole, but all to brusd and broken, <br />He vp did take, and with him brought away, <br />That mote remaine for an eternall token <br />To all, mongst whom this storie should be spoken, <br />How worthily, by heauens high decree, <br />Iustice that day of wrong her selfe had wroken, <br />That all men which that spectacle did see, <br />By like ensample mote for euer warned bee. (<em>FQ</em> V.viii.44)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Links: <a href="http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/S108200/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/S108200/index.html</a> (accessed 11/8/12) [contemporary account in Spanish by Armada survivor Francisco de Cuellar, published on the CELT website of electronic texts] <br /><br /><a href="http://www.sligoheritage.com/ArchSpanishArmada.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://www.sligoheritage.com/ArchSpanishArmada.htm</a> (accessed 11/8/12) [photographs of Armada wreck sites in Co. Sligo and (unattributed) translation of de Cuellar’s account]</p>]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Vincent Carey, “Atrocity and History: Spenser and the Slaughter at Smerwick (1580).”  Age of Atrocity:  Violence and Political Conflict in Early Modern Ireland.  Ed. David Edwards, Pádraig Lenihan and Clodagh Tait (Dublin: Four Courts, 2007), 79-94.<br />
<br />
Andrew Hadfield, Edmund Spenser:  A Life (Oxford:  Oxford UP, 2012): 195.<br />
<br />
Thomas Herron, Edmund Spenser’s Irish Work:  Poetry, Plantation and Colonial Reformation (Aldershot:  Ashgate, 2007): ch. 9.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/790">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Mantelpiece</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Great Hall]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>This great oak mantelpiece is fancifully modeled after two different early modern wall-pieces found in situ in Ireland today: 1) the allegorical figures in plaster wainscoting in the Long Gallery of Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary, commissioned in the 1560s by the house’s owner, Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond, and 2) the undated oak mantelpiece in Sir Walter Raleigh’s house at Myrtle Grove, Youghal, Co. Cork.</p>
<p>In the Long Gallery at Carrick-on-Suir, the wainscoting running around the room shows the allegorized figures of Justice (holding a sword) and Equity (holding a scale) alternating with busts of Queen Elizabeth I and King Edward VI.</p>
<p>In the parlor at Myrtle Grove, a (West-)English-style oak mantelpiece shows the allegorical figures of Faith, Hope and Charity amid other detail-work.</p>
<p>The recreated mantelpiece at Kilcolman shows the paired figures of Faith (holding an anchor, an emblem of hope) and Justice (holding a sword). Both are modeled closely on the plaster figures at Carrick-on-Suir. In between them is the rose, a symbol of the English monarch. The rose connotes the Tudor family lineage as well as Queen Elizabeth herself, whose portrait is in the parlor next door.</p>
<p>The Great Hall was used mainly for important gatherings and ceremonial occasions. Spenser, a Protestant and lord of the manor (both owner and administrator), would conceivably have administered justice in this room, including arbitration over minor disputes between his tenants and other business on the plantation, all administered in the name of the English crown. Business conducted in front of the mantelpiece would have reminded supplicants of English law, religion and power in Munster.</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>The rose was the Tudor family badge and an apt symbol for the queen’s beauty. In <em>The Faerie Queene</em>, Elizabeth is described in allegorical guise as Gloriana, the Fairy Queen, “that glorious flowre,” from whence her name: “Therefore they Glorian call that glorious flowre,/ Long mayst thou <em>Glorian</em> liue, in glory and great powre” (<em>FQ</em> II.x.76.8-9); she is “that goodly glorious flowre… sprung of the auncient stocke of Princes straine” (<em>FQ</em> IV.viii.33.6-7).</p>
<p>Elizabeth was closely associated with other flowers as well, such as the lily, a symbol of virginal purity (Elizabeth never married and carried the sobriquet “The Virgin Queen”), and the <em>fleur-de-lis</em>, either the lily or the iris. The <em>fleur-de-lis</em> in royal English heraldry connoted imperial power. It is figured on the queen’s scepter in portraits, for example, and was a stock symbol of the French monarchy. Elizabeth, like her forbearers, claimed monarchy over England, Wales, France and Ireland. It is interesting in this regard that the Irish word for “iris“ is gloiriam, also spelled gloriam in the early modern period (according the <em>Dictionary of the Irish Language</em>): a word close to <em>glorian</em>.</p>
<p>The sword is a symbol of Justice. Artegall, the principal hero of Book V of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>, the Book of Justice, is introduced along with his sword, “<em>Chrysaor</em>, that all other swords excelled” (<em>FQ</em> V.i.9.8). With it, Artegall dispenses a rough justice to villains who oppose him. Queen Elizabeth is allegorically figured in the book as Mercilla, who must not let her sword (i.e., the sword of state) grow rusty out of disuse and excessive mercy.</p>
<p>The 1596 edition of <em>The Faerie Queene</em> shows an anchor on its title page, an emblem of hope (anchora spei). The anchor was also the emblem of printer Richard Field. (The title page of the 1596 edition can be seen open on the desk in the Tower House Study.) The character of Speranza (her name meaning “hope”) offers her “siluer anchor” to the sinful hero Red Crosse Knight in Book I.x.22.2-3 of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>. Visitors to the Great Hall recreated here, who were loyal to Queen Elizabeth, would find symbols of faith, hope and justice to comfort them amid the turmoil surrounding Kilcolman.</p>
<p>Links:</p>
<a href="http://www.heritageireland.ie/en/south-east/ormondcastle/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://www.heritageireland.ie/en/south-east/ormondcastle/</a> (accessed 1/30/18) [Carrick-on-Suir town council website on Ormond Castle]]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Jane Fenlon, “The Decorative Plasterwork at Ormond Castle—a unique survival.”  Architectural History 41 (1998), 67-81.<br />
<br />
—, Ormond Castle (Dublin:  Stationary Office, 1996).<br />
<br />
A. Bartlett Giamatti, “Elizabeth and Spenser.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia.  Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 238-42.<br />
<br />
Anna Riehl, The Face of Queenship:  Early Modern Representations of Elizabeth I (NY:  Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).<br />
<br />
Mats Rydén, “flowers.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia.  Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 310-11.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/791">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Mether]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Great Hall]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>On the main banqueting table in the Great Hall sits a “mether,” which is a four-sided, four-handled Irish drinking vessel carved of wood. See also the methers in the Tower House Parlor.</p>
<p>An example from the 16th century with the provenance “Kilcolman, Co. Cork” is currently in the Limerick Museum.</p>
<p>Other objects on the table here, in the Parlor and in the Tower House Parlor, are modeled after Tudor-era facsimiles in wood and pewter found at Barrycourt Castle, Co. Cork.</p>
<p>Links: <a href="http://museum.limerick.ie/index.php/Detail/Object/Show/object_id/213" target="_blank" rel="noopener">http://museum.limerick.ie/index.php/Detail/Object/Show/object_id/213</a> (accessed 12/5/2013) [The mether in the Limerick Museum]</p>]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/792">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Bellows</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Ground Floor Parlor]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>On the floor near the fireplace sits a bellows, for encouraging the fire. Spenser would likely have had a smithy on his Kilcolman estate, which would have employed similar tools. Iron-working debris predating Spenser’s occupation and presumably from the castle forge was found among the cellar in-fill under the Great Hall. Another bellows is in the Tower House Parlor.</p>
<p>Literary Connections</p>
<p>In Book IV of <em>The Faerie Queene</em> (1596), the hero Sir Scudamour encounters a blacksmith named Care. Care is described in a manner reminiscent of other descriptions of savage, unkempt, starving, criminal characters in Spenser’s poems and prose. Care could therefore be understood in the allegory as potentially Irish (compare with the description of Despair in <em>FQ</em> I.ix.33-36 and with the degenerated Timias who wears a “glib” in <em>FQ</em> IV.viii.12; IV.vii.40-43).</p>
<p>Care resembles</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… a wretched wearish elfe, <br />With hollow eyes and rawbone cheeks forspent, <br />As if he had in prison long bene pent: <br />Full blacke and griesly did his face appeare, <br />Besmeard with smoke that nigh his eye-sight blent;<br />With rugged beard, and hoarie shagged heare, <br />The which he neuer wont to combe, or comely sheare. (<em>FQ</em> IV.v.34.3-9)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Care’s smithy, furthermore, is an allegory for the sighing, pensive, care-worn body. Amid the machinery and clanging hammers is a pair of bellows, which function like lungs in the allegory. They blow so loudly that none can hear:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>And eke the breathfull bellowes blew amaine, <br />Like to the Northren winde, that none could heare: <br />Those Pensifenesse did moue; and Sighes the bellows weare. (<em>FQ</em> IV.v.38.7-9)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>“Sighes,” caused by worries, make the lungs work hard, like “bellows.” Spenser imagines these “bellows” blowing out cold, “North[er]n” winds. North is the traditional direction of dark and cold, and also (from Kilcolman) the Ballyhoura mountain range and the Glen of Aherlow, which was famous for its rebels and thieves (cf. View 137). To the north of the Munster Plantation lay the region of Thomond, Irish for “north Munster” (Tuath Mumhain) and home of the great O’Brien lordship.</p>
<p>In <em>A View of the Present State of Ireland</em>, Spenser’s spokesman Irenius describes one of the O’Brien rebels of “Thomond… called Murrogh en ranagh, that is Morris of the ferne or waste wild places,” who allied himself with an “O’Neale” who came from the “North revolting,” and together they rebelled with great violence like a wind: “breaking forth like a sudden tempest [Murrogh] overran all Munster and Connaught, breaking down all the holds and fortresses of the English… he clean wiped out many great Towns” (<em>View</em> 15-16).</p>
<p>Irenius is describing events involving Murrough O’Brien (d. 1383) in the late-fourteenth century (although he mistakenly places them in the fifteenth century), during the so-called “Gaelic resurgence” when Old English settlements lost much of their colonial territory to native Irish lordships. Spenser in 1596 was likewise deeply worried about a new threat, led by Hugh O’Neill, earl of Tyrone, sweeping out of the North and joining forces with rebels in Munster, as they were to do in 1598 during the uprising that sacked Kilcolman and the plantation. Hugh O’Neill was thought to be the base-born son of a blacksmith. At Kilcolman, a northern wind blew very cold indeed and may have inspired his portrait of the blacksmith Care.</p>]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Thomas Herron, ”‘Goodly Woods‘: Irish Forests, Georgic Trees in Books I and IV of Edmund Spenser’s Faerie Queene.” Quidditas: JRMMRA 19 (1998), 97-122.<br />
<br />
Eric Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists: an archaeology of Elizabethan Ireland (Manchester: Manchester UP, 2010): 117.<br />
<br />
John Steadman, “Care.” The Spenser Encyclopedia.  Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto Press, 1990), 135-6.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/793">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Date Stone</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Ground Floor Parlor]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>The date stone over the door to the Great Hall commemorates the wedding in 1594 of Edmund Spenser and Elizabeth Boyle. Date stones with the initials of the owners of a house were common in England and Ireland and followed the fashion in other countries. They commemorated dates of construction, ownership and other important events in the life of a household, such as marriages.</p>
<p>Eric Klingelhofer argues that this room, the Parlor between the Great Hall and Tower House, was built during Spenser’s time, so such a stone as the one pictured here may have been included in the building’s original construction as testament to the arrival and permanent presence of the newly married couple. Every time Spenser or Elizabeth Boyle would cross the threshold from the more private Parlor to the more public Great Hall, they could keep their mutual faith in mind.</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections </em></p>
<p>What’s in a name? Spenser was subject to three Elizabeths: his mother, his second wife, and the queen. In his sonnet sequence, <em>Amoretti</em> (1595), he writes two adjacent sonnets (numbers 74-75) that celebrate the name of Elizabeth. In the first, he describes his wife’s “Most happy letters fram’d by skilfull trade” (74.1), and he advertises the coincidence between her name and that of the other two Elizabeths by comparing them to the famous three graces of classical mythology: “Ye three Elizabeths for euer liue,/ that three such graces did vnto me giue” (74.13-14). These graces inspire him to write gracefully about graceful things (see also the vision of four graces given to Spenser’s alter-ego, the character Colin Clout, on Mount Acidale in <em>FQ</em> VI.x).</p>
<p>The second sonnet, #75, is one of Spenser’s best-known poems. It describes how he wrote his love’s “name vpon the strand,/ but came the waues and washed it away” (75.1-2). In order to defeat the ravages of time, he decides to “eternize” her name in his verse instead:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>my verse your vertues rare shall eternize, <br />and in the heuens wryte your glorious name. <br />Where whenas death shall all the world subdew, our loue shall liue, and later life renew. (75.11-14)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Spenser’s verse places her name above his head, “in the heavens,” where their love will “renew” itself at the end of time.</p>]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
Stella P. Revard, “Graces.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia.  Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 338-9.<br />
Hanneke Ronnes, “Continental traces at Carrick-on-Suir and contemporary Irish castles: a preliminary study of date-and-initial stones” in Thomas Herron and Michael Potterton (eds), Ireland in the Renaissance, c. 1540-1660 (Dublin:  Four Courts Press, 2007), 255-73.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="https://collections.ecu.edu/items/show/794">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[<strong>Desk, with letters</strong>]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:subject><![CDATA[Ground Floor Parlor]]></dcterms:subject>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[<p>This desk, with a pouch and various papers and letters on and around it, indicates Spenser’s background as both a messenger and a secretary to Lord Deputy of Ireland Arthur, Lord Grey (from 1580-82). The letters are sealed with red wax. In the context of the 1590s at Kilcolman, the desk demonstrates how the day-to-day business of managing his Munster estates, while receiving and responding to news from elsewhere, would have occupied much of his time.</p>
<p>Almost all surviving examples of Spenser’s handwriting are in the form of letters copied while secretary to Grey or writing on behalf of other administrators, such as John Norris, President of Munster, one of his planter neighbors nearby to the south (at Mallow Castle, County Cork). Few letters survive from Spenser’s time in Munster, however.</p>
<p>Spenser wrote and received both administrative and personal letters; some of the latter, exchanged with the scholar Gabriel Harvey while Spenser lived in England in the 1570s, were published in 1579. They focus on newsworthy events in England and abroad as well as current debates about poetic aesthetics.</p>
<p>In the study in the Tower House portion of this castle recreation is another desk. That room functions as Spenser’s private “office” for other, more creative writing.</p>
<p>Both desks are modeled loosely on that of St Jerome in Albrecht Dürer’s famous print (1514).</p>
<p><em>Literary Connections</em></p>
<p>Irenius in <em>A View of the Present State of Ireland</em> describes the Irish as always asking for news, which is carried across the country by “common carriers,” men who are akin to rogues and “loose fellows” (View 76). These supposed low-life criminals are “partakers not only of many stealths by setting forth other men’s goods to be stolen,” but they are “also privy to many traitorous practices” (76). Eudoxus answers that the Irishman’s desire for news “argueth sure in them a greate desire of innovation” (76). Eudoxus’ comment, following so closely upon Irenius’ warning, hints at his fear of dangerous political innovation, including treason, which can spread so swiftly along with the news in Ireland. Spenser is concerned about the unchecked spread of information across the country in troubled times.</p>
<p>The news also helped those in need. In the “Mutabilitie Cantos” portion of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>, people of “the lower World” are confused when the light of Cynthia, or the moon, is momentarily extinguished by the attempted overthrow of her power: her throne in the heavens has been shaken by the rebellious titaness, Mutability. “Fearing least Chaos broken had his chaine,/ And brought againe on them eternall night,” the messenger-God Mercury takes action and speeds to the “faire Palace” of the king of the Gods, Jove, to tell him what has happened. Mercury, “The Heauens Herald” then acts as go-between for Jove and Mutability (<em>FQ</em> VII.vi.14 -19).</p>
<p>Spenser himself is compared to Mercury in a commendatory sonnet written by Sir Walter Raleigh in praise of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>. In this poem, published alongside the epic in the 1590 edition, Raleigh compares Spenser to a “celestiall thiefe” of the glory of previous poets (Raleigh, “A Vision vpon this conceipt of the <em>Faery Queene</em>” 14). The “thiefe” is Mercury, who is also the god of thieves; in Greek myth, Mercury steals the cattle of Apollo. Mercury’s dual role as thief and messenger may help explain the connection in Irenius’s mind (above) between thieving activity in the countryside and running news. Indeed, Spenser was himself accused in a letter (October 12, 1589) to Queen Elizabeth by his antagonistic neighbor, Lord Roche, of stealing his neighbor’s cattle and beating Roche’s men.</p>
<p>Spenser would have retaliated to Lord Roche's abuses in his own letters. As Andrew Zurcher and Christopher Burlinson suggest in their edition of letters associated with Spenser (pp. lxii-lxiv), the poet would have had an anxious relationship with letter-writing, given the bloody politics that inspired some of them. A fear of victimization-by-correspondence can be found in the epistolary vocabulary found in the Despaire episode in Book I of <em>The Faerie Queene</em>. When Red Crosse Knight contemplates suicide with a knife in his hand, ...his hand did quake, And tremble like a leafe of Aspin greene, And troubled bloud through his pale face was seene To come, and goe with tydings from the hart, As it a running messenger had beene. (FQ I.ix.51) In a second commendatory sonnet to The Faerie Queene, Raleigh declares that “Of me no lines are lou’d, nor letters are of price,/ Of all which speak our English tongue, but those of thy deuice” (Raleigh, “Another of the same” 13-4). The immediate reference here is to “lines” and “letters” of verse, i.e., to the poems written by Spenser that Raleigh admires. The “deuice” has to do with Spenser’s powers of invention while writing them (his devising of them). A secondary meaning occurs, however, in that a device, or personal emblem, was used to mark wax seals on letters as a further method of identifying them (no such “device” of Spenser’s exists today, although he would have been entitled to one, according to his rank as a landed “gentleman” at Kilcolman). Raleigh may therefore be hinting at the method by which he received poetry from Spenser, i.e., in letters of Spenser’s devising and with Spenser’s device on them. Simultaneously, such letters in the “English tongue” coming out of Ireland, especially, would attest to their shared nationality.</p>
<p>Links:</p>
<a href="https://folgerpedia.folger.edu/Letterwriting_in_Renaissance_England" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://folgerpedia.folger.edu/Letterwriting_in_Renaissance_England</a> [accessed 1/30/18] [Folger Shakespeare Library exhibit on letter writing]]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Dr. Thomas Herron, ECU]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Bibliography:<br />
James Bednarz, “The Collaborator as Thief:  Ralegh’s (Re)Vision of ‘The Faerie Queene.’”  English Literary History 63.2 (summer 1996), 297-307:  298-9.<br />
<br />
Douglas Brooks-Davies, “Mercury.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia. Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 469-70.<br />
<br />
Andrew Hadfield, Edmund Spenser: A Life (Oxford:  Oxford UP, 2012): 106-9, 158-9, 188.<br />
<br />
Judith Rice Henderson, “letter as genre.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia. Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 433-4.<br />
<br />
Edmund Spenser, Selected Letters and Other Papers.  Ed. Christopher Burlinson and Andrew Zurcher (Oxford:  Oxford UP, 2009).<br />
<br />
H.R. Woudhuysen, “letters, Spenser’s and Harvey’s.”  The Spenser Encyclopedia. Ed. A. C. Hamilton (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1990), 434-5.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description></rdf:RDF>
