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                    <text>1992 Olympic Games

In 1992, it was time for the countries of the world to take part in another Olympic Games.
That year, it was being hosted in Spain’s coastal city of Barcelona. The city is no stranger to the
hostess role when it comes to internationally scaled events; they had previously hosted two
International Exhibitions. However, this would be the largest event they would host to date.
Located towards the southern part of Barcelona, the construction of the Olympic stadium
and villages sparked a pretty large urbanization change. In fact, it was the third “building boom”
in Catalan history to restore and refigure Barcelona (Hughes 2004: 38). Robert Hughes, author of
Barcelona: The Great Enchantress states that Catalan building booms tend to “defy common
sense”; this includes building and elaborating the city beyond financial means and, in the case of
the Olympics, relocating some of the citizens (Hughes 2004: 39-40). Vila Olimpica, or Nova Icaria
as it is known today, specifically required a complete reorganization of buildings, beaches, and
architect's parks (Kent 2002: 234). If Barcelona was aware that hosting the Olympics would cause
lavish amounts of renovation and trouble among their citizens, one may wonder why Barcelona
dawned the task of holding the Olympics in the first place.
When the Olympic structures were first being planned, Barcelonan’s took it as a chance to
catch up on modernity. After the end of the Franco regime in the late 1970s, they were eager to
escape the “grey vestige” Franco left behind (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). They also took
it as a chance to gain international attention and tourism. While they did gain attention as hosts,
there was a, “lack of international attention for the city and its history” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 2).

�Unfortunately, it seems that Barcelona encountered more negatives than positives by taking
on the hostess job for the Olympics. While there were legitimate intentions behind the construction
and execution of the games, it mostly lead to unrecognition and economic drain for the city. Today,
the Olympic areas continue to stand as tourist attractions, but it is disappointing that attention came
after a time they needed it most.

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                    <text>Olympic Games: Urbanization and Controversies
One of the biggest and most drastic developments to hit the urban scene of Barcelona was
the Olympic games of 1992. The city was awarded the games in 1986 and the preparation started
right away, the need for an infrastructure upgrade was urgent. Barcelonans took the Olympic
Games as a chance to catch up on modernity. After the end of the Franco regime in the late
1970s, they were eager to escape the “grey vestige” Franco left behind (Hochadel and NietoGalan 2016: 2). Catalunya was bringing back its culture and the Games were a way to show it
off to the world, which is why the city was excited and proud.
Redesigning a city is no easy task, and it is also not a cheap task. There had to be funding
for all the projects that were going on in the city. The central government of Spain recognized
the need to upgrade the city for the 1992 Olympic Games. Some believed that “a major
international event such as the Olympic Games would be high-jacked once more by the Spanish
state, [but] Barcelona was able to gain the world’s attention and to maintain it” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). There was a response from the government on the funding of the city
overhaul: “the city received substantial financial aid from the central government to prepare the
infrastructure needed to host the Olympics in 1992” (McNeil 2002: 247). This funding gave
Barcelona the ability to do the upgrading that needed to happen.

The city approached this endeavor by embarking upon and rendering many projects, such
as new expressways, Olympic stadia, and two communications towers. Encompassed by Sant
Andreu in the north, Sant Adriá del Besós in the east, the Mediterranean Sea in the south, and
Ciutat Vella in the west, the Poblenou underwent a lofty renovation that commenced in the
1980s that brought upon the reconstruction of one of its districts into the Olympic Village.

1

�Occupying ex-industrial land and extending from the Gothic Quarter into the
Mediterranean Sea, six large shopping centers were opened to the public in the years between
1992 and 2002 (McNeill 2002: 247). One of these centers included the Maremagnum, a mall
the currently dominates the resting place of an old dockyard, Moll d’Espanya. Within the
Maremagnum exists an abundance of stores that are attributed with encouraging “continuous
consumption and insulation” from the reality found outside its walls (Sánchez 2000: 295). Its
surrounding environment offers much to be seen, and has also been confronted with criticism
that accuses it of following the path of many cities in the United States, in which the city is
allegedly geared towards gratifying tourists rather than its own people.

Antonio Sánchez’s article “Barcelona’s Magic Mirror” talks about the social
repercussions that occurred as Barcelona tried to redevelop. He writes about the evolving city
and how it turns from a city of nature to something filled with several large shopping malls,
luxury leisure centers and tourist attractions.One of his most notable quotes was: “It can be said
that Barcelona’s redevelopment has transformed the ailing modern city into a gigantic
postmodern mirror reflection an idealized image of itself to local and global audiences alike”
(Sánchez 2000: 303). This is a powerful statement; it essentially states that the image of the city
is an illusion. Its efforts to revitalize were more concerned with improving how it was portrayed
and interpreted rather than with what it truly is. This can be explained through Barcelona’s
desire to be recognized as a world leader, often putting on a show so that others would believe
they were just as developed.
The period of time during and immediately after the Games in 1992 is, however, marked
by a series of major crises as well, coinciding with cessation of the flow in public money due
to the Olympics and repercussions of a general recession in the global economy. There were
also widespread job cuts and the city grew increasingly dependent on wider trends in economic
2

�restructuring. The council pushed forth a number of new projects for development on certain
sites in the city that were meant to “balance and spread development through the municipal
territory” (McNeill 2002: 247), but instead, these projects put the city at risk for increased
gentrification and loss of greenery. The world saw the city as modern and beautiful, but the
residents saw the truth and their rights were pushed down to present this image. McNeill writes
about how the Olympic have lost their nobility and how the buildings once built for the events
now sit unused (McNeill 2002: 257). Are hosting the Olympics a blessing or a curse? Many
cities will face an economic downfall after hosting the Olympics. They spent millions of dollars
building facilities that will rarely be used after the Olympic are over.

Nonetheless, the Olympics and the urbanization they entailed also had benefits, as “the
city’s redevelopment has improved not only its aesthetic appearance but also its urban
infrastructure and social cohesion” (Sánchez 2000: 305). The modernistic redevelopment of the
city has positively affected citizens’ daily lives such as efficient public transport, improved
social facilities, and full access to local public spaces. This shows that it is inevitable for a city
to undergo urbanization, and in many cases, that may not be a bad thing after all.
It is a very difficult thing to determine what the most beneficial thing would be for a
city – to succumb to the fact-paced nature of modernism and revamp the landscape in order to
fit in with the rest of the world, or to maintain the rich history that renders a city as unique and
iconic? Overall, though the games did cause a small economic downfall before and after they
were held, the games also brought attention to the city of Barcelona, to Catalunya and to the
Spanish State.
—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Victoria Bishop, Brooke
Palmer, Graziella Dominado, Lillie Rhodes, Kendall Schunk, Sarah Spangler and Vyas Jayati

3

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                    <text>40 Large Rocks (Museu Martorell)
One significant contribution to the Parc de la Ciutadella was the addition of 40 large
stones donated by those of significant standing. Those who donated did so because they felt
moved enough and wanted Catalonian nationalism to be felt by others equally as strongly as they
felt it. This was part of a series of projects that were “crucial for the formation of Catalan
identity” (Vilaros 2000: 42). They were proud of where they, and their country, came from, and
wanted people from every socioeconomic class and standing to be able to see that, too. It was
said that the “donation of a selected piece of rock to the Museu Martorell not only demonstrated
that the donor was connoisseur of the natural world, it also bore testimonies to his patriotic zeal
and commitment to Barcelona and Catalonia” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 37). The donors
wanted everyone to know that where they came from and the ground that they stood on was
extraordinary; it was not just normal stone, just as Barcelona was not a normal place, and it
deserved recognition. The stones included “limestone, gypsum, basalt, granite, porphyry and
slate” and were exhibited as “‘raw materials’ with a polished side” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 37). The 40 large stones were also accompanied by fish farms, which were added to the
Parc de la Ciutadella in order to give the entire Parc a feeling of pride and to help people of every
class and standing find ways to be more practical.

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Less than a quarter of a mile from the Parc de la Ciutadella, sits the towering structure
that is Arc de Triomf. There are similar structures all around the world in cities such as Paris
and New York. From the name, one might think that this arch is dedicated to some type of
military conquest. This is not the case. This arch was built to be an extravagant entrance to
Barcelona’s first World Exposition in 1888 (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). The arch
was designed by architect Josep Vilaseca and is made primarily of red brick. There are many
details on Arc de Triomf including several stone bats sculpted by Josep Reynés. These bats
were a tribute to King Jaume I who led Barcelona during a time of economic prosperity and
also ordered the construction of the Saló de Cent (Hughes 2004: 13). The bat was the king’s
lucky charm and is still an emblem of Valencia. The bat was so ingrained in the culture that it
was actually part of the first crest of the Fútbol Club of Barcelona and stands to this day as a
symbol of Catalan Independence. The arch also serves a more recreational and tourist use as a
place to meet or an interesting place to take a walk or ride a bike. Arc de Triomf is located
between the Parc de la Ciutadella and the Passeig de Sant Joan. It created a vivid cityscape
that “has inspired successive generations of Barcelona's administrators to consider grand
events as a means to transform the city in their own image” (Kent 2002: 225)

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                <text>&lt;a href="https://pan.ecu.edu/neatline/show/digital-barcelona#records/133"&gt;Click here to access Barcelona's Interactive Map&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>Barceloneta Beach
Barcelona has undergone many alterations to its cityscape. Robert Hughes, author of
Barcelona: The Great Enchantress goes as far as to say that the city, “had been punitively raped
and degraded by business, by the unsupervised and opportunistic greed of developers” (Hughes,
2004: 30). One of the major modifications was the development of La Barceloneta in the 18th
century. This was as a result of the War of Spanish Succession when the city needed a new area
to house those removed from the region where a citadel was to be built (Hall 1997: 126). This
area became almost a city within a city, as Barcelonan authority was quick to relocate some of its
citizens to a space closer to the sea.
Those relocated were moved to La Barceloneta, which was a suburb found right outside
the city walls and designed by the architect Prospère de Verboom (Hall 1997: 127). The
“historical crisis” of the War of Spanish Succession caused La Barceloneta to form, which is
why, as Joan Ramon Resina claims, the city was almost found “anew” in 1715 (Resina 2008: 6).
Despite the negative reasons for its creation, La Barceloneta has done well as a suburb.
Since it is located on a part of Barcelona’s coast, it became known for its marine capabilities. Its
long, narrow streets were home to those who worked beside the ocean, like sailors, fishers,
fishmongers, and boat builders (Newsvine). It is a popular tourist attraction to this day, with
beaches along the coast and the sight of “centur[y] old multi-story modules that rise up
everywhere” (Newsvine). So, while it had a troubled start, La Barceloneta turned out for the
better nearly three centuries after its original creation and purpose.

�Works Cited
Newsvine, Caloz. “Barceloneta - a little history and a side-street ‘show’” Spain: The Blog:. 07
July 2007. Web. 02 October 2016.

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                    <text>Barceloneta Beach
The 1992 Olympic Games held in Barcelona were a pivotal moment for the city and its
battered Catalan nationalism. Joan Ramon Resina describes this event as a “historical
threshold” for the social transformation that that had been brewing in previous decades (2008:
6). Resina talks primarily about the social implications that the games had in solidifying a
cultural identity for the Catalan city that had been defeated by a long history of political
attacks.
The impacts that the games had on Barcelona are similar to the revival the city had in
1888 with its first Universal Exposition. The exposition served as the first occasion in the
modern history of Barcelona where the city’s culture and innovative ideas were displayed on
the world stage, a sort of “rite of passage” according to Resina into the big leagues of
prominent world powers (2008: 7). In the instance of the 1992 Olympic Games, much like
that of the exposition of 1888 yet multiplied by the introduction of technology, the
infrastructures built for the games created a whirlwind of economic and cultural changes. It is
estimated that $8,012,000,000 (from http://olympicstudies.uab.es/pdf/wp030_eng.pdf) went
into the extravagant remodeling of Barcelona’s cityscape in order to revive the infrastructure
(and subsequently the Catalan sense of national pride) in preparation for the 1992 Olympic
Games. Among these expenditures were 78 kilometers of new roads, the Olympic ring,
parking areas, airport and hotel renovations, traffic control systems, various sports facilities
and countless others (Brunet 1995: 6-7).
Although the investment seems daunting, it is important to note the dramatic changes
that Barcelona would quickly see in regard to employment, tourism and most importantly the
overall sense of cultural pride. Much like the expansive plans of Cerdà (the architect who
expertly laid out the extension from the old village of Barcelona into what is now known as

�the Eixample) the city officials and planners for the Olympic Games kept the future of
Barcelona in their minds.
By demolishing two miles of industrial eyesores along the coast of the Mediterranean,
space was created for a manmade beach known as Barceloneta Beach. Not only did this space
serve the many visiting athletes and spectators of the Olympic Games – it became a tourist
destination for travelers around the world. On this beach stands a monument commissioned
for the Olympic Games and executed by German artist Rebecca Horn. This monument,
known as “L’Estel Ferit” (The Wounded Shooting Star) acknowledges the history of the
Barceloneta area that had been wiped clean in order to create the beachfront. Its twisting
stacked cubes made of rusted metal stand prominently over the beach and act as a monument
of a recent past. The windows added to the cubes are reminiscent of an old industrial building,
yet they create a sort of visual passage from the urban setting of Barcelona into the ocean –
essentially the core purpose of the newly laid beachfront area.
Another iconic monument that resulted from the 1992 Olympic Games is Frank Gehry’s
“Fish.” This enormous fish stands as a celebratory symbol, just outside the newly constructed
Hotel Arts overlooking the newly constructed Olympic marina. This monument mimics the
energetic motion and sleek form of a fish, utilizing the bright Barcelona sun in order to reflect
the structure’s shining gold strips. These two monuments seem to work together in order to
illustrate the reinvention of Barcelona. Horn’s tower pays tribute to the “old” Barcelona
(weathered metal, unorganized stacked cubes, a static façade) while Gehry’s fish does just the
opposite (shining gold, sleek form, organic motion).
The Barceloneta Beach destination serves as a constant reminder of the lasting impact
that the 1992 Olympic Games had on the city. Barcelona has proven to be a breeding ground
for innovation in the field of art and design and the new renovations made here and elsewhere
for the Olympic Games proved to be no different.

�</text>
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                    <text>Barrio Chino: Description and Important Sites

Barcelona is a city that is divided into two major sections: the old city, more specifically
the Barrio Chino, and the Eixample. Historically, the Barrio Chino (Fifth District) was a place
in Barcelona that remained constantly busy regardless of the bad reputation that it held. People
went there to enjoy themselves and relish in the excitement of the nightlife full of sex, music,
drugs and consequently disease. Nowadays, the area is characterized by construction sites,
graffiti, debris, tight corners, and crooked streets, which paints a negative and grotesque view
of El Barrio. The sounds of jackhammers, bulldozers, and breaking concrete that fill the streets
creates an atmosphere of discontent and restlessness.
The Barrio Chino had a poor reputation around the beginning of the 1900s. It was an area
known for illicit activities, decrepit behavior, and libertarian forms of anarchism. It was full of
crowded streets, large factories full of immigrants, and homes with people in desolate
conditions. Along with these, it was a place that night-life thrived where visitors could gamble
and listen to jazz music. Indeed, this borough played and large role in the emergence of various
musical styles, including jazz, as well as housing concepts of political change related to
libertarian anarchism.
Most of the inhabitants of the Barrio Chino worked in factories and workshops. To quote
Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás, “Barrio Chino was home to a “complex coexistence of diverse urban
subcultures” (2016: 165). Their cafes, cabarets, and taverns were buzzing with political and
social talk. The streets that were known for drugs and prostitution were also home to places for
the sick and poor to be cared for. The Barrio Chino is a place that brought medical advances,
even despite the lack of attention, such as the layout of the healing houses. Likewise, the Barrio
Chino contained anatomical museums, known as museos anatómicos, which helped to
popularize medical culture for the masses. The Barrio Chino was also home to the exclusively
1

�female Queen Amalia prison dedicated to reforming prisoners. Nonetheless, the ruling
government was disgusted, appalled, and wanted a change. (Zarsoso Pardo-Tomas 2016: 165).
In April 1932, the Fifth District in Barcelona was poised to see a rapid change, when
Francesc Macià, a significant political figure in Barcelona, Dr. Jaume Aiguade, the mayor of
the time, and some young Barcelonan architects along with Le Corbusier constructed a plan to
overhaul the space. These plans were incredibly aggressive: they proposed tearing down all
buildings and roads in the area. Despite having high hopes for the region, very few aspects of
the original plan were fully carried out. Construction was essentially halted at the onset of the
civil war when the Franco regime came into power. While these improvements were largely
positive for the new residents of Barrio Chino, the previous inhabitants faced many hardships
with the renovations. Many inhabitants of the city were forced out of their homes and given a
settlement for the homes to be rebuilt and sold at a higher price to middle-class homebuyers.
The inability to convince middle-class homebuyers of the affluent status of the neighborhood
caused the idea of gentrification to fail.
The area was renamed El Raval after the post-Olympic era but is still informally known
as the Barrio Chino (Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás 2016: 178). Several important monuments are
located in the Barrio Chino, such as the Romea Teater and the church of Sant Pau de Camp.

—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Samuel Alvarado,
Victoria Bishop, Grace Langley, Tricia Malcom, Amy Musgrave, Lillie Rhodes, Kendall
Schunk, Jayati Vyas and Ashley Weingartz

2

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                    <text>Bench in Parc Güell

In Park Güell, designed by Antoni Gaudí, there is a long tile bench which consists of
numerous interesting components, one of them being the art form of trencadís. Conrad Kent refers
to the bench, in his article From Pleasure Gardens to Places of Dures, as a “brilliantly tiled bench
that wraps around the central theater of the park” (Kent 2002: 227). The bench is not tiled like
most would think, with the same decorative pattern all the way around, instead it decorated using
trencadís.
Trencadís is using broken tile from various sources to tile and decorate a specific item,
there are different pictures and colors included when using this method. Trencadís is something
that Gaudí is known for using, which as Robert Hughes points out in Barcelona the Great
Enchantress, by saying that “Gaudí was fascinated by how mosaic fragmentation of trencadís”
(Hughes 2004: 140). Gaudí asked people to bring him broken pieces of tile. There is also a deeper
meaning to trencadís, as Josep Sobrer discusses in his article Against Barcelona, “in symbolic
terms, trencadís exalts the poor, the broken, the outcast” (Sobrer 2002: 212). Gaudí got the tile
from everyone who would give him tile, he did not just use tile from the rich and that is one way
that Gaudí was able to uplift the poor.
Gaudí was able to portray a deeper spiritual meaning and make something look absolutely
astounding all while using trencadís, and the bench in Park Güell is a huge highlight of what he
did while using this method.

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Irina Swain&#13;
Camille Kresz</text>
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Catalan culture has not always been as vibrant as it is today; there was a time during the
Franco regime that the culture was almost wiped out completely. In fact Teresa M. Vilarós
comments on its comeback in the article “A Cultural Mapping of Catalonia,” saying that Catalan
culture’s “present vibrancy cannot but be amazing” (1995: 45). One place to find the vibrancy of
the culture, specifically food culture, is the Boquería. Robert Hughes discussed the area in his
book Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, writing that “for any serious lover of food … there is
no other place in the world quite like the Boquería” (2004: 74). The market features non-food
items, all kinds of exotic food, and of course a large collection of fish. No matter what direction
a person looks, fish is always in sight making the odor strong. In fact fish is so important to the
Catalan way of life that a “[Fish Laboratory] was founded” in a local park in the city of
Barcelona (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 38).
The vendors in the market are friendly and willing to help customers find and get what
they need. The Boquería is large and it is possible to spend an entire day looking at everything.
One can even get lost in the maze of vendors because of how large it is. While getting in and out
of the market is tough it is worth a stop because it is a good place to try local food. The
experience of going in and seeing this renowned market is unlike any other.

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                    <text>Casa Batlló and Casa Milà

The Casa Batlló was a renovation done by Antonio Gaudí of a preexisting
apartment building, although little was left besides the ground levels. The building can
be described as “a five-story crust of shifting, aqueous color” with a roof decorated
with “giant ceramic scales” (Hughes 2004: 143). All of these characteristics come to
life in Hiroshi Teshigahara’s film Antonio Gaudí (1984). The film only shows the
exterior of the building, however, the influence of nature in Gaudí’s work can be
identified through his use of color, misshapen balconies and arches.
Further down the street, the Casa Milà came into view as competition for the
Casa Batlló. In contrast to Casa Batlló, Casa Milà “was designed from the ground up
not adapted from an existing building” (Hughes 2004:145). Antonio Gaudí was
granted complete design autonomy of the building and, as a result, Gaudí created “a
sea cliff with caves in it for people” (Hughes 2004:145). The balconies resemble the
seafloor and the columns on the roof look like “eye sockets of a Cyclopean head”
(Hughes 2004:145). The strange beauty that Gaudí created can also be seen in
Teshigahara’s film. In the film, the deep sea is translated into architectural form
through the sight of Gaudí’s work. Gaudí’s style strayed from the conventions of
traditional beauty. No other architect at the time would have dared to attempt to use
creativity on such an extreme level. However, Gaudí perfected nonconventionality
seamlessly. Overall, both pieces were magnificent in their own right and represented
Gaudí’s contributions to Barcelona’s Renaixença.

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        <name>Casa Batllo</name>
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        <name>Casa Mila</name>
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        <name>Grace Langley</name>
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      <tag tagId="91">
        <name>Spain</name>
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