http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/572/Electricity_Technology_and_Architecture_-_Benjamin_Fraser_[ed].pdf 5403ba95689c3799995f067025734b1d PDF Text Text Electricity, Technology and Architecture Technology in Barcelona thrived in the early 1900s thanks to healthy competition between many firms (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Before the introduction of electricity and light and the founding of the Asociación Española de Luminotecnia (AEL), citizens of Barcelona lived a lifestyle that revolved around daylight; they were not able to do a majority of things once the sun had set, because they were not able to see. The AEL had goals to change all of this—it did not aim to make artificial light a luxury good, but a normal item which anyone could enjoy. The AEL wanted to be able to “spread ‘modern’ methods for ‘scientific’ use of light and its practical application to hygiene, traffic regulation, decoration, and home comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 223). They wanted people all over the city to be able to improve their daily life functions by extending the time periods in which they were able to do them. This took time and many different approaches. The switch to a more thermal and hydroelectric approach lowered costs and allowed for more civilians to be able to have electricity at their disposal. In 1915, the city held the International Exhibition of Electrical Industries, which “celebrate(d) the city’s early electrification” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Due to competition with wood, kerosene lamps and candles, “it took decades for electricity to fully spread into urban life” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 225). There were many ups and downs in cost, efficiency, and benefit that took a toll on Barcelona’s inhabitants, but in the end electricity was efficient and beneficial enough that it could then be used in other locations across the Catalan capital. Electrical light is evidence of an entirely different kind of, yet monumental, modernism that reached Barcelona in the 1800s. To imagine Barcelona without electricity today would be to pretend as though half of the city did not even exist. “Electric lighting was presented as an agent of change from night into day” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 231), allowing for the emergence �of electrical appliances and longer opening hours for shops. This also made life at home easier, as all the rooms in the house could continue to be used even at night. La Rambla was the prime location for experimenting with the trials and errors of urban electricity. The first time that light was truly implemented and used efficiently was during the year 1875. A spotlight was put in place illuminating an area of approximately 750 meters, from the Porta de la Pau to the Opera, the Liceu (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 223). During this time there was also another lighting fixture set up to illuminate a factory that was next to the seafront. The 1880s and onward were known as a transitional period for Barcelona; during this time, “electricity played a crucial role in the profound technological changes that progressively transformed urban landscapes and citizens’ habits” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224-25). The AEL was the first group that tackled attempting to introduce lighting to Barcelona, but it was not until Universal Exhibitions were held in both 1888 and 1929 that it became a more locally acceptable thing to use in daily life. It was also during the year 1888 when the Exhibition was held where “more than 2,000 Edison electric lamps passed through La Rambla, Passeig de Colom (Hotel International), the exhibition, and on its grounds, the magic fountain and the night celebrations at the maritime display” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). This allowed for the night time to now become an active time where tasks and chores could be done, instead of only being limited to the daytime. After the Exhibition in 1888, the Parc de la Ciutadella, along with La Rambla, became the hot spots for “science popularization,” with the creation of such sites as the Museu Martorell, the zoological garden, and the Umbracle (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 97). These additions to the Parc de la Ciutadella were things that the public had never seen before, which would make them more open to new technology that was being brought up during this time. The citizens became more familiar with change, which then made them more open to �the idea of trial and error that came with the introduction of electricity in their area. This allowed for the start of the modification of La Rambla, which would in turn lead to the modification of all of Barcelona. Although there was quite a bit of opposition to the idea of electric lighting in Barcelona at first, the exchange of new electrical knowledge led to its widespread use. Introduction of electricity is known as one of the “most thrilling developments in the interwar period” in Barcelona (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 228). The 1929 Barcelona International Exhibition paved the way for marketing and advertising techniques that were eventually able to spread the idea to every corner of the city. For example, even though people in the neighborhood of Sant Gervasi were against an electric lamppost, the people residing in the Poble Sec neighborhood celebrated lighting. The change in people’s minds in regards to electricity can be partially attributed to the magnificence of the electric magic fountain designed by Carles Buigas. It was the most liked spectacle at the Exhibition, and it helped the public appreciate electricity. As a result, electric lighting attracted new customers in places like the Pompeya music hall in Paral-lel or Cinema Mayland in Placa d’Urquinaona (Hughes 2004: 127). Shops on Avinguda del Portal de l’Angel continuously kept their lights on at night in order to promote their businesses (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 237). Many groups wanted to further incorporate the use of electrical light into the home and appliances. To do so, showrooms were created to demonstrate how artificial light could be incorporated into the home. These models were meant to replicate a home setting in order to encourage others to use electrical lighting. Additionally, in 1930, the Barcelona City Council announced that the owner of the best lit shop window would receive a reward of 10,000 pesetas. Thirty-six shops entered, and this was a successful attempt in spreading the use of electrical light in Barcelona (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 235). After a while, ‘showrooms’ became very popular as they provided a space �for experts as well as laypeople to come gain knowledge on electrical lighting as well as compare electrical devices such as lamps, vacuum cleaners, refrigerators, etc. before making a decision to buy one. This helped bridge the gap between skepticism and curiosity, allowing people to focus on the benefits of electrical lighting and begin incorporating it seamlessly in their everyday life. In short, “electricity [raised people] to the throne of the utmost comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 238), and in turn, completely transformed the nature and progression of Barcelona’s urban atmosphere in a relatively short period of time. While modern technology is used for light, it can also be used for recreation. The installation of electrical lighting in the city paved the way for the emergence of amusement parks throughout Barcelona. The article “Technological Fun” describes the “politics and geographies” of amusement parks (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and begins with a journalistic text from 1926. The journalist describes the city as “dancing a marvelous dance around the foreigner” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and continues to describe the dizzy feelings and sharp sounds juxtaposed with city work life—the amusement parks are “alongside transport networks” and function in conjunction with the city (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92). The authors make a point that amusement parks are not just for fun, three things are considered. “The public and their experience of technological fun” comes first, then “the mechanical rides,” and finally, “the promoters and their ideologies” (Sastre-Juan and ValentinesÁlvarez 2016: 96). The fact that “amusement parks are included as elements of the perceived experience of urban technification and transformation of public spaces” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 92) speaks to the underlying technological, social, and political significance they possess. Back then, all amusements parks were located on the periphery of the city of Barcelona, in three �main areas: Parc de la Ciutadella, Collserola mountain range, and Montjuic Hill (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 95), otherwise known as the ‘technological fun belt’. These amusement parks were chockfull of rides, cafes, open green spaces, museums, sculptures, and so on. They were originally targeted towards the bourgeoisie, but eventually customers from the middle class and ‘respectable’ part of the working class began to visit them as well. The first mechanical rollercoaster was introduced in 1888 in the Parc de la Ciutadella but was later moved to Placa de Catalunya (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 96). These mechanical rides were not the only attractions at the parks. At amusement parks one could enjoy “music, eating, drinking, strolling around, and watching other people” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 97). In addition to being places that provided entertainment to people of all ages, amusement parks were a grand representation of the influence of urbanism on the city of Barcelona. The explosion in the popularity of amusement parks occurred during “urban transformations and social struggles” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 100). This, nonetheless, had negative implications on the impoverished residents of the shanties that previously occupied the area that Montjuic now did. Not everyone in Barcelona was a proponent of these parks, and there was notable resistance to their being located within the city. Alongside the ‘technological fun belt’ was the ‘red-and-black belt’, where the poor people were being relocated to ‘casas baratas,’ or ‘cheap houses’. To tie it all together, “the regime of the pleasure of the new mechanized and standardized technological fun was closely tied to the rise of the new technical elites and in tune with the new regimes of knowledge” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 111). All of this, then, was about much more than just roller coaster rides. Changes in electricity and technology were transforming urban culture in Barcelona. �Architecture has been another spectacular presence in the Catalan Capital. In the third chapter of his book Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, Robert Hughes describes the period of the Renaixence as having “plenty of architecture of stunning and almost implausible originality” (Hughes 2004: 113) and compares the culture of Barcelona to a museum (Hughes 2004: 114). In addressing the transitions between old and new perspectives on architecture and technology, Hughes compares buildings before and after the Renaissance in terms of technological advancements. He explains the various ways in which brick can be used, for example, noting that it can create “flat Catalan arches, round Moorish ones, cogging, diapers, tricky reveals, [or] corbels” (Hughes 2004: 116). This was groundbreaking, as brick had previously been seen as a plain material with little more than a single use. Hughes’ fascination with developing architectural shapes and figures is evident in his admiration of the workmanship of the Palau de la Musica Catalana, where he states, “No modernista building in Barcelona was or ever would be as ecstatically received as Domènech’s Palau de la Musica Catalana” (Hughes 2004: 126-27). This particular building was awarded the Argument's best building prize in 1908 for displaying “genius and art characteristic of Catalunya, strong as its race, great as its history, and beautiful as its incomparable sky” (Hughes 2004: 116). Hughes continues to describe the building, stating that no music hall had such an “intense, even furious” commitment and loyalty to its performers as this building did. Additionally, He admires the Sagrada Familia for both its architecture, and its ability to bring people together: “The Sagrada Familia was intended to be what its name say: a temple, where Catalans would converge to do penance for the sins of modernity (Hughes 2004: 130). These and other readings discussing interconnected issues of electricity, technology, and architecture in Barcelona highlight the social discontent in Barcelona that comes with the evolution of new ideas. While not all people agree with shifts to modernity, they can be indicative of details �about the culture affected by the changes. Overall, the challenges Barcelona faced were connected to a sense of pride, being as it was said that “there is no blood and race definition of who is and isn’t a Catalan. The mere fact of being Catalan confers no rights or privileges in Catalunya” (Hughes 2004: 130). The people of Catalunya were the ones who were there from the start to the finish; they went through it all, and experienced everything and they felt very prideful in this fact. —Edited by Benjamin Fraser from original texts by Andrew Lee, Jayati Vyas, Claudia Woznichak � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Digital Barcelona Subject The topic of the resource Sights around Barcelona Description An account of the resource The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Benjamin Fraser Irina Swain Camille Kresz Language A language of the resource English, Spanish Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Digital Barcelona Date Created Date of creation of the resource. January 2017 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Irina Swain Camille Kresz Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Creative Commons Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Electricity, Techonology and Architecture Subject The topic of the resource Electricity, Techonology and Architecture Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Andrew Lee, Jayati Vyas, Claudia Woznichak, Benjamin Fraser Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Camille Kresz Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 03/01/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Creative Commons Language A language of the resource English, Spanish Type The nature or genre of the resource Document Date Created Date of creation of the resource. 03/01/2017 Andrew Lee Barcelona Claudia Woznichak Jayati Vyas Spain