1
10
38
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/577/Pablenou.jpg
19f7260f1148074f1fed85e82f4ab4b7
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/577/The_Olympic_Village_by_Claudia_Woznichak.docx
cad0004997eb653b856cce2dac3511fa
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
El Poblenou
Subject
The topic of the resource
El Poblenou
Description
An account of the resource
El Poblenou
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Claudia Woznichak, Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, still image
Barcelona
Claudia Woznichak
El Poblenou
Spain
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/576/Hospital.jpg
95ed8a13c187e07696c1bea2d3c7af65
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/576/Corporacio_Sanita_ria_Parc_Tauli_by_Rachel_Harris.docx
3e411377b665609e92a3b2e34d2230f4
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Corporació Sanitària Parc Taulí
Subject
The topic of the resource
Digital Barcelona, Spain
Description
An account of the resource
Corporació Sanitària Parc Taulí
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Rachel Harris, Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, still image
Barcelona
Corporació Sanitària Parc Taulí
Hospital
Parc Tauli
Rachel Harris
Spain
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/574/Bench_Parc_Guell_Barcelona.jpg
a5b25e71b3c4a5c34a7c331dcf7881df
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/574/Victoria_Bishop_-_Park_Guell_Bench.pdf
f4372d38905244ba0dba8257c1b4a44a
PDF Text
Text
Bench in Parc Güell
In Park Güell, designed by Antoni Gaudí, there is a long tile bench which consists of
numerous interesting components, one of them being the art form of trencadís. Conrad Kent refers
to the bench, in his article From Pleasure Gardens to Places of Dures, as a “brilliantly tiled bench
that wraps around the central theater of the park” (Kent 2002: 227). The bench is not tiled like
most would think, with the same decorative pattern all the way around, instead it decorated using
trencadís.
Trencadís is using broken tile from various sources to tile and decorate a specific item,
there are different pictures and colors included when using this method. Trencadís is something
that Gaudí is known for using, which as Robert Hughes points out in Barcelona the Great
Enchantress, by saying that “Gaudí was fascinated by how mosaic fragmentation of trencadís”
(Hughes 2004: 140). Gaudí asked people to bring him broken pieces of tile. There is also a deeper
meaning to trencadís, as Josep Sobrer discusses in his article Against Barcelona, “in symbolic
terms, trencadís exalts the poor, the broken, the outcast” (Sobrer 2002: 212). Gaudí got the tile
from everyone who would give him tile, he did not just use tile from the rich and that is one way
that Gaudí was able to uplift the poor.
Gaudí was able to portray a deeper spiritual meaning and make something look absolutely
astounding all while using trencadís, and the bench in Park Güell is a huge highlight of what he
did while using this method.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Bench in Parc Güell
Subject
The topic of the resource
Bench in Parc Güell
Description
An account of the resource
Parc Güell is home to a very particular bench, created by Gaudi. Parc Güell and the bench are located in Barcelona, Spain
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Victoria Bishop
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
03/01/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, Still Image, Sound
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
03/01/2017
Barcelona
Bench in Parc Güell
Spain
Victoria Bishop
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/573/Gaudi_-_Camille_Kresz_Benjamin_Fraser_[eds].pdf
f42a0feece9e0fa8a2427c7eae374185
PDF Text
Text
Gaudí: Nature, Religion and Politics
The documentary Antoni Gaudí by Teshigahara (1984) is a great showcasing of the
buildings that were designed by the architect, such as the Casa Milà, Colonia Güell, Park Güell,
and the Casa Batlló, but especially the Sagrada Família. The Sagrada Família is of the most
famous tourist destinations in Barcelona. This beautiful piece of architecture, like Gaudí’s work
in general, veered from the norm of the time. His architectural pieces were like nothing else in
the city. While many buildings were very straight edged and industrial, Gaudí worked with a
style that was more whimsical and curved, and he even tried to bring in aspects of the natural
world. Because it is known as Gaudí’s most famous work, Sagrada Família is the last building
shown in Teshigahara’s documentary, and its representation takes up the greatest chunk of time
(56:30-1:10:53). His work has allowed for so many advancements to be made in Barcelona, and
as a consequence, Gaudí will never be forgotten—his work will live on forever.
Today, no one dares to challenge or correct his work or question his stylistic choices;
however, this was not always the case. Prior to the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) there were
people who opposed Gaudí’s work. Some of the intellectuals of the time mocked Gaudí’s
creation, including George Orwell who called it “one of the most hideous buildings in the
world” (Sobrer 2002: 210). Orwell quoted in his Homage to Catalonia that “the Anarchists had
bad taste in not blowing it [Sagrada Família] up when they had the chance” during the Spanish
Civil War (Orwell 1938: 225). Gaudí’s work was also representative of Catalan Modernisme,
which was opposed by the Noucentistes (Sobrer 2002: 210). However, the traits that define
Noucentistes—“noucentisme, imperialisme, arbitrarisme, classicisme, civiltat”—all align with
Gaudí’s work as it improves previous architectural styles and encapsulates essence of Barcelona
(Sobrer 2002: 211). Today, the Sagrada Família stands as a monument to a vision born of a
period of social and ideological conflict; it is a supreme exemplar of values that Gaudí explored
in almost all of his works (Kent 2002: 227). It contributes to the “standard, popular, totalizing
�vision of Barcelona, figured as a combination of old and new emblematic elements” (Balibrea
2010: 204).
Not merely an architectural genius, Gaudí also a member of the Asspciació Catalana
d’Excursions Científiques. This group, full mountain aficionados, was a good fit for Gaudí. All
of his life, Gaudí has had a special place in his heart for mountains. This affection and interest
only grew when Gaudí began to establish solid philosophies towards nature. He took inspiration
from another architect, Paul Abadie, the designer of a Parisian church located on the mountain
Montmartre. However, Gaudí took a different approach to Abadie’s idea. He decided to forego
using Barcelona’s mountains, Montjuïc and the Collserola range, and instead turn Barcelona
into a mountain itself. To accomplish this, Gaudí toyed with the relationship between
Barcelona’s neighboring city and the Sagrada Família (Sobrer 2002: 205-06).
Rarely is a mention of Barcelona made without a reference to Antonio Gaudí—known
for his unique and modern style that has made is works iconic. He drew many of his influences
from nature and paid close attention to detail in his structures. His work manages to be
“genuinely and forthrightly modern while still incorporating regional differences” (Hughes
2004: 113), an aspect that is important for Catalan architectural nationalism , as outlined by
architect Domènech i Montaner. In most if not all of his plans Gaudí let religion, in addition to
nature, inspire his design of the buildings. Heaven, or Paradise, was an inspiration for Gaudí.
He incorporated his thoughts of what he thought Paradise is like into many of his works, not
just Sagrada Família. When he designed and built Park Güell for example, “Gaudí created the
garden with a series of references to Paradise” (Kent 2002: 226).
Gaudí’s work also incorporated some political influences. When he was getting the
original financing for the Sagrada Família done, he was able to reach across class lines to get
people to donate to the project. Sobrer points out this fact, writing that “Gaudí himself, in his
fund-raising efforts, spoke of sacrifice, of giving ‘til it hurts’ as he gathered contributions from
�all runs of society” (Sobrer 2002: 218). This was unusual, as most of the time it was just people
from the upper class that would donate to such projects and finance them. People from lower
classes helping with funding was something that was not as common. He was also motivated
by a populist impulse as he used techniques like trencandís and maqueta funicular, notably for
the construction of Parc Güell.
Trencadís is using broken tile from various sources to tile and decorate a specific item,
there are different pictures and colors included when using this method. Gaudí asked people to
bring him broken pieces of tile. There is also a deeper meaning to trencadís, as Josep Sobrer
discusses in his article “Against Barcelona”: “in symbolic terms, trencadís exalts the poor, the
broken, the outcast” (Sobrer 2002: 212). Gaudí did not just use tile from the rich, and that is
one way that Gaudí was able to uplift the poor. Maqueta funicular is a technique using buckshot
and string, or chain, to calculate the shape of arches and inclination of columns. Gaudí’s
techniques, like his work, are also criticized for their anti-intellectualism and reactionary
conservatism (Sobrer 2002: 213). However, the evolutionary nature of Gaudí’s work was not
appreciated on a large scale until decades after his death. Indeed, in the middle of construction
for Sagrada Família Gaudí unfortunately died when he “was killed by a street car one June day
in 1926” (Hughes 2004: 128).
According to Sobrer, “[Barcelona]'s reputation in the non-negligible world of tourism is
built around Gaudí" (Sobrer 2002: 209). Antonio Gaudí’s unique style of architecture is
incredibly specific to Barcelona, it blends a surrealist style and traditional architectural design
into a beautiful functional structure. His designs truly are incomparable to those in any other
city in the world, and have been highlighted by many photographers and filmmakers alike.
Gaudí’s work was very different from that of other architects in his time; it has been closely
associated with Catalan spaces. In fact, it can be argued that “to decry Gaudí would be to decry
Barcelona, if not Catalonia” (Sobrer 2002: 209).
�—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Victoria Bishop, Ariel
Fricke, Rachel Harris, Grace Langley, Tricia Malcom, Amy Musgrave, Kendall Schunk, Sarah
Spangler, Vyas Jayati and Claudia Woznichak
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Gaudí: Nature, Religion and Politics
Subject
The topic of the resource
Gaudí: Nature, Religion and Politics
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Victoria Bishop,
Ariel Fricke,
Rachel Harris,
Grace Langley,
Tricia Malcom,
Amy Musgrave,
Kendall Schunk,
Sarah Spangler,
Jayati Vyas,
Claudia Woznichak,
Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
03/01/2017
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
03/01/2017
Amy Musgrave
Ariel Fricke
Barcelona
Claudia Woznichak
Grace Langley
Jayati Vyas
Kendall Schunk
Rachel Harris
Sarah Spangler
Spain
Tricia Malcom
Victoria Bishop
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/572/Electricity_Technology_and_Architecture_-_Benjamin_Fraser_[ed].pdf
5403ba95689c3799995f067025734b1d
PDF Text
Text
Electricity, Technology and Architecture
Technology in Barcelona thrived in the early 1900s thanks to healthy competition between
many firms (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Before the introduction of electricity and light
and the founding of the Asociación Española de Luminotecnia (AEL), citizens of Barcelona lived
a lifestyle that revolved around daylight; they were not able to do a majority of things once the sun
had set, because they were not able to see. The AEL had goals to change all of this—it did not aim
to make artificial light a luxury good, but a normal item which anyone could enjoy. The AEL
wanted to be able to “spread ‘modern’ methods for ‘scientific’ use of light and its practical
application to hygiene, traffic regulation, decoration, and home comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan
2016: 223). They wanted people all over the city to be able to improve their daily life functions by
extending the time periods in which they were able to do them. This took time and many different
approaches. The switch to a more thermal and hydroelectric approach lowered costs and allowed
for more civilians to be able to have electricity at their disposal. In 1915, the city held the
International Exhibition of Electrical Industries, which “celebrate(d) the city’s early
electrification” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Due to competition with wood, kerosene
lamps and candles, “it took decades for electricity to fully spread into urban life” (Ferran and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 225). There were many ups and downs in cost, efficiency, and benefit that took
a toll on Barcelona’s inhabitants, but in the end electricity was efficient and beneficial enough that
it could then be used in other locations across the Catalan capital.
Electrical light is evidence of an entirely different kind of, yet monumental, modernism
that reached Barcelona in the 1800s. To imagine Barcelona without electricity today would be to
pretend as though half of the city did not even exist. “Electric lighting was presented as an agent
of change from night into day” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 231), allowing for the emergence
�of electrical appliances and longer opening hours for shops. This also made life at home easier, as
all the rooms in the house could continue to be used even at night. La Rambla was the prime
location for experimenting with the trials and errors of urban electricity. The first time that light
was truly implemented and used efficiently was during the year 1875. A spotlight was put in place
illuminating an area of approximately 750 meters, from the Porta de la Pau to the Opera, the Liceu
(Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 223). During this time there was also another lighting fixture set
up to illuminate a factory that was next to the seafront. The 1880s and onward were known as a
transitional period for Barcelona; during this time, “electricity played a crucial role in the profound
technological changes that progressively transformed urban landscapes and citizens’ habits”
(Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224-25).
The AEL was the first group that tackled attempting to introduce lighting to Barcelona, but
it was not until Universal Exhibitions were held in both 1888 and 1929 that it became a more
locally acceptable thing to use in daily life. It was also during the year 1888 when the Exhibition
was held where “more than 2,000 Edison electric lamps passed through La Rambla, Passeig de
Colom (Hotel International), the exhibition, and on its grounds, the magic fountain and the night
celebrations at the maritime display” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). This allowed for the
night time to now become an active time where tasks and chores could be done, instead of only
being limited to the daytime. After the Exhibition in 1888, the Parc de la Ciutadella, along with La
Rambla, became the hot spots for “science popularization,” with the creation of such sites as the
Museu Martorell, the zoological garden, and the Umbracle (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez
2016: 97). These additions to the Parc de la Ciutadella were things that the public had never seen
before, which would make them more open to new technology that was being brought up during
this time. The citizens became more familiar with change, which then made them more open to
�the idea of trial and error that came with the introduction of electricity in their area. This allowed
for the start of the modification of La Rambla, which would in turn lead to the modification of all
of Barcelona.
Although there was quite a bit of opposition to the idea of electric lighting in Barcelona at
first, the exchange of new electrical knowledge led to its widespread use. Introduction of electricity
is known as one of the “most thrilling developments in the interwar period” in Barcelona (Ferran
and Nieto-Galan 2016: 228). The 1929 Barcelona International Exhibition paved the way for
marketing and advertising techniques that were eventually able to spread the idea to every corner
of the city. For example, even though people in the neighborhood of Sant Gervasi were against an
electric lamppost, the people residing in the Poble Sec neighborhood celebrated lighting. The
change in people’s minds in regards to electricity can be partially attributed to the magnificence
of the electric magic fountain designed by Carles Buigas. It was the most liked spectacle at the
Exhibition, and it helped the public appreciate electricity. As a result, electric lighting attracted
new customers in places like the Pompeya music hall in Paral-lel or Cinema Mayland in Placa
d’Urquinaona (Hughes 2004: 127). Shops on Avinguda del Portal de l’Angel continuously kept
their lights on at night in order to promote their businesses (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 237).
Many groups wanted to further incorporate the use of electrical light into the home and appliances.
To do so, showrooms were created to demonstrate how artificial light could be incorporated into
the home. These models were meant to replicate a home setting in order to encourage others to use
electrical lighting. Additionally, in 1930, the Barcelona City Council announced that the owner
of the best lit shop window would receive a reward of 10,000 pesetas. Thirty-six shops entered,
and this was a successful attempt in spreading the use of electrical light in Barcelona (Ferran and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 235). After a while, ‘showrooms’ became very popular as they provided a space
�for experts as well as laypeople to come gain knowledge on electrical lighting as well as compare
electrical devices such as lamps, vacuum cleaners, refrigerators, etc. before making a decision to
buy one. This helped bridge the gap between skepticism and curiosity, allowing people to focus
on the benefits of electrical lighting and begin incorporating it seamlessly in their everyday life. In
short, “electricity [raised people] to the throne of the utmost comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan
2016: 238), and in turn, completely transformed the nature and progression of Barcelona’s urban
atmosphere in a relatively short period of time.
While modern technology is used for light, it can also be used for recreation. The
installation of electrical lighting in the city paved the way for the emergence of amusement parks
throughout Barcelona. The article “Technological Fun” describes the “politics and geographies”
of amusement parks (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and begins with a journalistic
text from 1926. The journalist describes the city as “dancing a marvelous dance around the
foreigner” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and continues to describe the dizzy
feelings and sharp sounds juxtaposed with city work life—the amusement parks are “alongside
transport networks” and function in conjunction with the city (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez
2016: 92). The authors make a point that amusement parks are not just for fun, three things are
considered.
“The public and their experience of technological fun” comes first, then “the
mechanical rides,” and finally, “the promoters and their ideologies” (Sastre-Juan and ValentinesÁlvarez 2016: 96).
The fact that “amusement parks are included as elements of the perceived experience of
urban technification and transformation of public spaces” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez
2016: 92) speaks to the underlying technological, social, and political significance they possess.
Back then, all amusements parks were located on the periphery of the city of Barcelona, in three
�main areas: Parc de la Ciutadella, Collserola mountain range, and Montjuic Hill (Sastre-Juan and
Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 95), otherwise known as the ‘technological fun belt’. These amusement
parks were chockfull of rides, cafes, open green spaces, museums, sculptures, and so on. They
were originally targeted towards the bourgeoisie, but eventually customers from the middle class
and ‘respectable’ part of the working class began to visit them as well. The first mechanical
rollercoaster was introduced in 1888 in the Parc de la Ciutadella but was later moved to Placa de
Catalunya (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 96). These mechanical rides were not the
only attractions at the parks. At amusement parks one could enjoy “music, eating, drinking,
strolling around, and watching other people” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 97).
In addition to being places that provided entertainment to people of all ages, amusement
parks were a grand representation of the influence of urbanism on the city of Barcelona. The
explosion in the popularity of amusement parks occurred during “urban transformations and social
struggles” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 100). This, nonetheless, had negative
implications on the impoverished residents of the shanties that previously occupied the area that
Montjuic now did. Not everyone in Barcelona was a proponent of these parks, and there was
notable resistance to their being located within the city. Alongside the ‘technological fun belt’ was
the ‘red-and-black belt’, where the poor people were being relocated to ‘casas baratas,’ or ‘cheap
houses’. To tie it all together, “the regime of the pleasure of the new mechanized and standardized
technological fun was closely tied to the rise of the new technical elites and in tune with the new
regimes of knowledge” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 111). All of this, then, was
about much more than just roller coaster rides. Changes in electricity and technology were
transforming urban culture in Barcelona.
�Architecture has been another spectacular presence in the Catalan Capital. In the third
chapter of his book Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, Robert Hughes describes the period of the
Renaixence as having “plenty of architecture of stunning and almost implausible originality”
(Hughes 2004: 113) and compares the culture of Barcelona to a museum (Hughes 2004: 114). In
addressing the transitions between old and new perspectives on architecture and technology,
Hughes compares buildings before and after the Renaissance in terms of technological
advancements. He explains the various ways in which brick can be used, for example, noting that
it can create “flat Catalan arches, round Moorish ones, cogging, diapers, tricky reveals, [or]
corbels” (Hughes 2004: 116). This was groundbreaking, as brick had previously been seen as a
plain material with little more than a single use. Hughes’ fascination with developing architectural
shapes and figures is evident in his admiration of the workmanship of the Palau de la Musica
Catalana, where he states, “No modernista building in Barcelona was or ever would be as
ecstatically received as Domènech’s Palau de la Musica Catalana” (Hughes 2004: 126-27). This
particular building was awarded the Argument's best building prize in 1908 for displaying “genius
and art characteristic of Catalunya, strong as its race, great as its history, and beautiful as its
incomparable sky” (Hughes 2004: 116). Hughes continues to describe the building, stating that no
music hall had such an “intense, even furious” commitment and loyalty to its performers as this
building did. Additionally, He admires the Sagrada Familia for both its architecture, and its ability
to bring people together: “The Sagrada Familia was intended to be what its name say: a temple,
where Catalans would converge to do penance for the sins of modernity (Hughes 2004: 130).
These and other readings discussing interconnected issues of electricity, technology, and
architecture in Barcelona highlight the social discontent in Barcelona that comes with the evolution
of new ideas. While not all people agree with shifts to modernity, they can be indicative of details
�about the culture affected by the changes. Overall, the challenges Barcelona faced were connected
to a sense of pride, being as it was said that “there is no blood and race definition of who is and
isn’t a Catalan. The mere fact of being Catalan confers no rights or privileges in Catalunya”
(Hughes 2004: 130). The people of Catalunya were the ones who were there from the start to the
finish; they went through it all, and experienced everything and they felt very prideful in this fact.
—Edited by Benjamin Fraser from original texts by Andrew Lee, Jayati Vyas, Claudia
Woznichak
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Electricity, Techonology and Architecture
Subject
The topic of the resource
Electricity, Techonology and Architecture
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Andrew Lee,
Jayati Vyas,
Claudia Woznichak,
Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
03/01/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
03/01/2017
Andrew Lee
Barcelona
Claudia Woznichak
Jayati Vyas
Spain
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/571/OR_gaudi-1160379_960_720.jpg
809eafa7f7cfbdfd230964e339310239
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/571/Vyas_Jayati_-_Park_Guell.pdf
6866bca8c90d132ff503a464dac73cdd
PDF Text
Text
Park Güell
Antoni Gaudí and Eusebi Güell began construction of Park Güell, a vast garden
suburb above the city in Barri de la Salut in Gràcia in June 1900. “For fourteen years,
Güell and Gaudi collaborated on what had begun as a garden suburb for sixty families
set on 37 acres of rugged terrain on the Collserola range” (Kent 2002: 226). Its
purpose was to lure buyers to an English-style high-income subdivision (Sobrer
2002: 214). Each of the sixty families was to have an individual house. No wall could
be higher than 80 centimeters and no hedges or other obstructions were permitted.
“Wildness in nature was celebrated and protected: Oaks, carob trees, Spanish
broom, rosemary, and other indigenous plants were preserved” (Kent 2002: 226).
Gaudí created the garden with a series of references to Paradise, through allusions to
the sacred mountain of Monserrat and the grottoes and shrines of traditional
Catalonia that he incorporated into the site's layout” (Kent 2002: 226).
The road and path system in Park Güell was to be an interlocking network more
than a grid, in contrast to Cerdá’s design for the Eixample, the district beside Park
Güell (Hall 1997).
Although the commercial project eventually failed, it did not inhibit Gaudí from
constructing a massive stone Golgatha at the park summit. Now, there is a brilliantly
tiled bench that wraps around the central theater of the park, a Doric-style hypostyle
hall that provides space for civic functions and celebration of local festivities honoring
Catalan culture.
�
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/571/Vyas_Jayati_Audio_-_Park_Guell.m4a
c387a60cddd95512066a77ba11a006d7
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Parc Güell
Subject
The topic of the resource
Parc Güell
Description
An account of the resource
Parc Güell was planned by Antoni Gaudí and Eusebi Güell and is located in Barcelona, Spain
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Jayati Vyas,
Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
02/27/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, Still Image, Sound
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
02/27/2017
Barcelona
Jayati Vyas
Parc Güell
Spain
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/570/1992_Olympics_medal.jpg
ba24382ce80ba4a497e1e73762d75be8
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/570/Estadi_Olimpic_Lluis_Companys_-_Barcelona_Spain_-_Jan_2007.jpg
38764de1dafd3f9a38bea23752a4aba2
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/570/Palau_San_Jordi_Torre_Calatrava_Barcelona.jpg
85c4fc80ef6f64cc84f2c5d048e2c194
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/570/Palmer_Brooke_1992_Olympics.m4a
7c4ac2e0beb7093d26e18d38e532d451
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/570/1992_Olympics_-_Brooke_Palmer.pdf
7947238b588dfb2cee5e4e3d79405e7b
PDF Text
Text
1992 Olympic Games
In 1992, it was time for the countries of the world to take part in another Olympic Games.
That year, it was being hosted in Spain’s coastal city of Barcelona. The city is no stranger to the
hostess role when it comes to internationally scaled events; they had previously hosted two
International Exhibitions. However, this would be the largest event they would host to date.
Located towards the southern part of Barcelona, the construction of the Olympic stadium
and villages sparked a pretty large urbanization change. In fact, it was the third “building boom”
in Catalan history to restore and refigure Barcelona (Hughes 2004: 38). Robert Hughes, author of
Barcelona: The Great Enchantress states that Catalan building booms tend to “defy common
sense”; this includes building and elaborating the city beyond financial means and, in the case of
the Olympics, relocating some of the citizens (Hughes 2004: 39-40). Vila Olimpica, or Nova Icaria
as it is known today, specifically required a complete reorganization of buildings, beaches, and
architect's parks (Kent 2002: 234). If Barcelona was aware that hosting the Olympics would cause
lavish amounts of renovation and trouble among their citizens, one may wonder why Barcelona
dawned the task of holding the Olympics in the first place.
When the Olympic structures were first being planned, Barcelonan’s took it as a chance to
catch up on modernity. After the end of the Franco regime in the late 1970s, they were eager to
escape the “grey vestige” Franco left behind (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). They also took
it as a chance to gain international attention and tourism. While they did gain attention as hosts,
there was a, “lack of international attention for the city and its history” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 2).
�Unfortunately, it seems that Barcelona encountered more negatives than positives by taking
on the hostess job for the Olympics. While there were legitimate intentions behind the construction
and execution of the games, it mostly lead to unrecognition and economic drain for the city. Today,
the Olympic areas continue to stand as tourist attractions, but it is disappointing that attention came
after a time they needed it most.
�
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/570/Olympics_-_Camille_Kresz_Benjamin_Fraser_[eds].pdf
0d61482a8aeb8f7cadb95d1af74787d0
PDF Text
Text
Olympic Games: Urbanization and Controversies
One of the biggest and most drastic developments to hit the urban scene of Barcelona was
the Olympic games of 1992. The city was awarded the games in 1986 and the preparation started
right away, the need for an infrastructure upgrade was urgent. Barcelonans took the Olympic
Games as a chance to catch up on modernity. After the end of the Franco regime in the late
1970s, they were eager to escape the “grey vestige” Franco left behind (Hochadel and NietoGalan 2016: 2). Catalunya was bringing back its culture and the Games were a way to show it
off to the world, which is why the city was excited and proud.
Redesigning a city is no easy task, and it is also not a cheap task. There had to be funding
for all the projects that were going on in the city. The central government of Spain recognized
the need to upgrade the city for the 1992 Olympic Games. Some believed that “a major
international event such as the Olympic Games would be high-jacked once more by the Spanish
state, [but] Barcelona was able to gain the world’s attention and to maintain it” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 2). There was a response from the government on the funding of the city
overhaul: “the city received substantial financial aid from the central government to prepare the
infrastructure needed to host the Olympics in 1992” (McNeil 2002: 247). This funding gave
Barcelona the ability to do the upgrading that needed to happen.
The city approached this endeavor by embarking upon and rendering many projects, such
as new expressways, Olympic stadia, and two communications towers. Encompassed by Sant
Andreu in the north, Sant Adriá del Besós in the east, the Mediterranean Sea in the south, and
Ciutat Vella in the west, the Poblenou underwent a lofty renovation that commenced in the
1980s that brought upon the reconstruction of one of its districts into the Olympic Village.
1
�Occupying ex-industrial land and extending from the Gothic Quarter into the
Mediterranean Sea, six large shopping centers were opened to the public in the years between
1992 and 2002 (McNeill 2002: 247). One of these centers included the Maremagnum, a mall
the currently dominates the resting place of an old dockyard, Moll d’Espanya. Within the
Maremagnum exists an abundance of stores that are attributed with encouraging “continuous
consumption and insulation” from the reality found outside its walls (Sánchez 2000: 295). Its
surrounding environment offers much to be seen, and has also been confronted with criticism
that accuses it of following the path of many cities in the United States, in which the city is
allegedly geared towards gratifying tourists rather than its own people.
Antonio Sánchez’s article “Barcelona’s Magic Mirror” talks about the social
repercussions that occurred as Barcelona tried to redevelop. He writes about the evolving city
and how it turns from a city of nature to something filled with several large shopping malls,
luxury leisure centers and tourist attractions.One of his most notable quotes was: “It can be said
that Barcelona’s redevelopment has transformed the ailing modern city into a gigantic
postmodern mirror reflection an idealized image of itself to local and global audiences alike”
(Sánchez 2000: 303). This is a powerful statement; it essentially states that the image of the city
is an illusion. Its efforts to revitalize were more concerned with improving how it was portrayed
and interpreted rather than with what it truly is. This can be explained through Barcelona’s
desire to be recognized as a world leader, often putting on a show so that others would believe
they were just as developed.
The period of time during and immediately after the Games in 1992 is, however, marked
by a series of major crises as well, coinciding with cessation of the flow in public money due
to the Olympics and repercussions of a general recession in the global economy. There were
also widespread job cuts and the city grew increasingly dependent on wider trends in economic
2
�restructuring. The council pushed forth a number of new projects for development on certain
sites in the city that were meant to “balance and spread development through the municipal
territory” (McNeill 2002: 247), but instead, these projects put the city at risk for increased
gentrification and loss of greenery. The world saw the city as modern and beautiful, but the
residents saw the truth and their rights were pushed down to present this image. McNeill writes
about how the Olympic have lost their nobility and how the buildings once built for the events
now sit unused (McNeill 2002: 257). Are hosting the Olympics a blessing or a curse? Many
cities will face an economic downfall after hosting the Olympics. They spent millions of dollars
building facilities that will rarely be used after the Olympic are over.
Nonetheless, the Olympics and the urbanization they entailed also had benefits, as “the
city’s redevelopment has improved not only its aesthetic appearance but also its urban
infrastructure and social cohesion” (Sánchez 2000: 305). The modernistic redevelopment of the
city has positively affected citizens’ daily lives such as efficient public transport, improved
social facilities, and full access to local public spaces. This shows that it is inevitable for a city
to undergo urbanization, and in many cases, that may not be a bad thing after all.
It is a very difficult thing to determine what the most beneficial thing would be for a
city – to succumb to the fact-paced nature of modernism and revamp the landscape in order to
fit in with the rest of the world, or to maintain the rich history that renders a city as unique and
iconic? Overall, though the games did cause a small economic downfall before and after they
were held, the games also brought attention to the city of Barcelona, to Catalunya and to the
Spanish State.
—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Victoria Bishop, Brooke
Palmer, Graziella Dominado, Lillie Rhodes, Kendall Schunk, Sarah Spangler and Vyas Jayati
3
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1992 Olympic Games
Subject
The topic of the resource
1992 Olympic Games
Description
An account of the resource
Barcelona was chosen in 1992 to host the Olympics
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Brooke Palmer,
Victoria Bishop,
Graziella Dominado,
Lillie Rhodes,
Kendall Schunk,
Sarah Spangler,
Jayati Vyas,
Benjamin Fraser,
Camille Kresz
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
02/27/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, Still Image, Sound
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
02/27/2017
1992 Olympics
Barcelona
Brooke Palmer
Camille Kresz
Graziella Dominado
Jayati Vyas
Kendall Schunk
Lillie Rhodes
Sarah Spangler
Spain
Victoria Bishop
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/567/Sagrada_OR.jpg
574f88f5412b3bc262306715050d2c06
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/567/Sagrada_OR_2.jpg
bade4ba89caaf2f4cb8c9f344279c6bc
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/567/Sagrada_Familia_-_Camille_Kresz_Benjamin_Fraser_[eds].pdf
f77952ae90c396f1a98866bfdd9dd35b
PDF Text
Text
Sagrada Família
The Temple Expiatori de la Sagrada Família located in the heart of the city of Barcelona
began to be built in 1875. This expiatory temple is one of the most well-known monuments in
Barcelona, and even Spain as a whole, for a variety of reasons. One of those reasons is because
it is technically a construction project; one that has lasted a little over one hundred and thirty
years. Indeed, the proposal for the project was made in 1870 and fundraising began in 1873
(Sobrer 2002: 205-06). Francisco de Paula del Villar was the first architect to work on the
Sagrada Família project. Antoni Gaudí took over in at the end of 1883 when Francisco de Paula
del Villar abandoned the project and he worked on it until his death in 1926. His detailed plans
were used after his death until they were vandalized or destroyed during the Spanish Civil War
a few years later (Sobrer 2002).
The Sagrada Família is a very interesting looking building—unlike many of the
surrounding buildings, it is not quadratic. The shapes of the building are soft and round. The
steeples are rounded and pointed, with unique figurines at the top of each one. Another aspect
of the church that adds to its beauty is the extensive use of alabaster. The windows are coated
with layers, which allows the church to possess a distinguished look. Alabaster, the semi-soft
stone, is usually flaxen or very faint in color—almost see-through. This contributes to the
surreal atmosphere of the church and presents the viewer with a sense that they are in a space
that is touched by heaven. Other rare procedures were used, like maqueta funicular, or unique
touches like trencadís, the recycling of scrap materials to create convoluted mosaics (Sobrer
2002: 209-210).
1
�Antonia Gaudí was very well known for his naturistic designs. Intended to resemble a
mountain of its own, the Sagrada Família will triangulate the two peaks that Barcelona sits at
the foot of: Montjuïc and Tibidabo. Inside the Sagrada Família are many more allusions to the
beauty of the natural world. There are stained glass windows, but unlike most stained glass
windows that are present in many other churches, these windows are stained with bright greens
and blues that allow more natural light to come into the cathedral. The shades of blue and green
are reflected all around the room giving it the look and feel of a forest setting. The columns
along the halls work with these colorful cascades to further the illusion of the forest. Having
the plan of morphing Barcelona into a city interwoven with nature, Gaudí shaped the Sagrada
Família in accordance with the outline of Montserrat, the holy mountain home to La Moreneta,
the patron saint of Catalonia (Sobrer, 2002: 208). In doing so, Gaudí introduced the concept of
faith through an architectural tribute to Barcelona. It is believed that Gaudí designed the church
to reach a height slightly below that of Montjuïc (the highest point in Barcelona) so that God’s
creation was “never superseded by man (Structure and form: web).” It was built to inspire
religious and patriotic revival within the people.
The church features three grand façades, so that no matter what entry point visitors choose
they will experience something deeply profound.
The Nativity Façade was the most directly influenced by Gaudí, being designed and
completed under his direction. The Nativity portal is known as the one clear Catholic
reformism. This façade is dedicated to the birth of Jesus and faces northeast toward the direction
of the rising sun, covered in intricately sculpted designs and figures.
The Passion façade was one of the features added after the loss of Gaudí and his coveted
plans. This façade faces the West and was designed to strike fear in the viewer. Facing the
setting sun, it shows a stark contrast to the intricacies of the Nativity Façade with its bare walls
and columns made to imitate human bones. All of these design elements allude to the fact that
2
�this façade was designed to tell the story of the death and suffering of Christ. Construction
began for the final façade in 2002, the Glory Façade. This façade will eventually be the main
access to the central nave, dedicated to the journey of humankind through the acceptance of
God, death, final judgment and eventually Glory.
Throughout its history, the Sagrada Família has also been the subject of criticisms and
controversies. After the Spanish Civil War, Barcelona was in shambles; the Franco regime
caused all of Barcelona to become neglected and ignored. The architectural masterpiece was
regarded as nothing more than “disposable rubbish,” with famous author George Orwell calling
the monument “one of the most hideous buildings in the world” (Hughes 2004: 29-30).
Thankfully, as time passed Barcelona began to redevelop itself as a city. Matters such as
architecture began to gain importance again.
Another controversy is the fact that today many locals to Barcelona are upset that tourists
are funding a holy and sacred church, but a few accept that there are not many other way to
receive a continuous large sum of money to complete the church. Its ongoing construction is
now almost completely funded by tourists who flock to the site. On one hand, this is bringing
tremendous tourist traffic to Barcelona and greatly impacting the economy. On the other hand,
many are concerned that this tourist traffic is actually taking away from the cultural significance
of the Sagrada Família. While tourism is definitely an effective way to raise funds, there are
concerns that this form of funding obstructs the original intention of the Sagrada Família.
Sobrer proudly proclaims that, “In its monumentality, the Sagrada Família is a triumph,
an outburst of imagination and playfulness” (Sobrer 2002: 206). Even more, the Sagrada
Família is a sign of perseverance. Despite the controversies, despite the lead architect dying
before its completion, and despite the hardships of Barcelona’s past, the mighty building is not
3
�only still standing—its construction continues even today. This contributes to the building’s
strength against time and its strength against life. No matter the obstacle, the Sagrada Família
stays strong as almost a symbol: if it can go through the life that it has, it, along with Barcelona,
can conquer anything.
—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Samuel Alvarado,
Graziella Dominado, Rachel Harris, Amy Musgrave, Brooke Palmer, Lillie Rhodes, Sarah
Spangler and Vyas Jayati
4
�
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/567/Ashley_Weingartz_-_Sagrada_Familia.pdf
65d70938017133a3210fb6ae7e285372
PDF Text
Text
Sagrada Família
The Sagrada Família is a powerful example of nature being brought into the actual
architecture of the city. The Sagrada Família began construction in 1882, and since then has
become an iconic tourist attraction in Barcelona. The building is said “to be a mountain itself
instead rather than sit on one” which helps explain why tourists find it so awe-inspiring (Sobrer
2002: 206).
The architect of the Sagrada Família was Antoni Gaudí and as Hughes notes in his book,
Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, “The Sagrada Família was intended to be what its name says:
a ‘temple,’ where Catalans (and, Gaudí hoped, eventually the whole Catholic world) would
converge to do penance for the sins of ‘modernity’” (Hughes 2004: 130).
The construction still continues today but while the construction began as a great symbol of
religious ideals, it has become an icon of Barcelona’s tourism industry and is now funded as such
(Sobrer 2002: 206). The larger question in all of this is whether the Sagrada Família is a uniquely
Barcelonan conception or just an attempt to attract tourism and set itself on the world stage of other
modern cities. Though it does follow the pattern of iconic cultural spaces being exploited and/or
funded by tourists, the Sagrada Família is uniquely Barcelonan in its foresight to include nature in
its architecture.
The scene of the Tree of Life in the Sagrada Família from Teshgahara’s documentary about
Antoni Gaudí shows how nature was integrated into this massive monument. Gaudí was intentional
about his use of nature and as Sobrer notes, “Nowadays the emblem of the city’s architecture is
the Sagrada Família, and the city’s reputation in the non-negligible world of tourism is built around
Gaudí” (Sobrer 2002: 209).
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Sagrada Família
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sagrada Família
Description
An account of the resource
The Sagrada Família is a church located in Barcelona, Spain
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Samuel Alvarado,
Graziella Dominado,
Rachel Harris,
Amy Musgrave,
Brooke Palmer,
Lillie Rhodes,
Sarah Spangler,
Jayati Vyas,
Camille Kresz,
Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
02/21/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, Still Image
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
02/21/2017
Amy Musgrave
Barcelona
Brooke Palmer
Graziella Dominado
Jayati Vyas
Lillie Rhodes
Rachel Harris
Sagrada Familia
Samuel Alvarado
Sarah Spangler
Spain
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/564/Eixample_aire_OR.jpg
9e2e64c5bcc76834ba60c3b9d820e4df
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/564/Rachel_Harris_-_Ildefons_Cerda_the_Eixample.pdf
e73df340496650bc01faa55b36506674
PDF Text
Text
Ildefons Cerdà & the Eixample
Due to the growth of the city, something had to be done to handle the larger population. The
rational response was the development of more buildings for housing, shopping, and other things
that are needed for city-life. Therefore, the Eixample was constructed. Built after the city had
already been constructed, in essence, it is an addition or an annex. Even though the plan was
formulated in the year 1855, it took a few years for the plans to be pushed into action. It was
officially approved in 1859 but revised again in the year 1863. Eventually, the area would serve as
a “solution to the problems of developing a new city on a grand scale” (Kent 2002: 224).
The urban planner and architect behind this massive project was a Catalan named Ildefons
Cerdà. Originally trained as a civil engineer, he devoted himself to politics and urban planning
after the death of his brothers. When they did, it resulted with him inheriting a fortune. Once he
discovered that the government decided to listen to the people’s pleading to tear down the city
walls, he realized that the new extension was in peril of being designed just like the old town. He
knew that if it was designed to model the Barcelona at the time, the area would be too uninhabitable
and unattractive—not to mention unhealthy and unclean. Despite all his hard work, he passed away
before he could receive all his wages from the Eixample.
The walls were in place by Barcelona since they were historically used for protection from
invading enemies. When cannons were the primary weapon, it was in the city’s best interest to
have a large vast area; therefore, they could not be easily wiped out by a single cannonball. The
tearing down of the wall and building of the Eixample held “extraordinary significance for
Catalans: it was an epochal event marking [...] the aggregation of urban space” (Resina 2008: 7).
1
�By undertaking work to ensure the new addition would meet the needs of the community,
Cerdà designed a plan that was ahead of its time. He focused on making the streets wider to
accommodate the traveling of carriages and horses. In addition, Cerdà noticed that there was a
need for natural beauty in the city, namely sunlight, greenery, and a clean way to dispose of waste.
Taking these facts into account, Cerdà designed what he termed “interways.” Interways were
similar to squares, but instead of being closed off on all four sides, the fourth side was open. In
some cases, more than one side was left opened. This further allowed for more gardens, which
were an essential aspect of the Eixample. The interway composed a grid or interweaving of several
street blocks. Each measuring 113 x 113 meters, the street blocks were uniformed and added to
the structured and orderly atmosphere of the addition.
In Cerdà’s perception, gardens were more than just a distraction from buildings—they were
essential to a city. While it was undeniable that gardens can be a spectacle, they are also a hygienic
necessity. Cerdà even states that “gardens act as air tanks.” He felt that gardens were so important
that he wanted to incorporate green spaces throughout Barcelona. This plan included developing
two parks: one on Montjuïc and one alongside the Besòs River. While his plans involving these
two parks were never actualized, his ideas sparked the government in Barcelona to consider its
need for a large substantial park or green space.
Instead of an interlocking network, which was traditional for many city planners at the
time, Cerdà’s plan included a rectilinear grid for the Eixample that was vastly complex and
disciplined. In Peter J. Taylor’s book World City Network: A Global Urban Analysis, the idea of
an interlocking network was explained as, “a general conceptualization of city network formation
involving a range of city networkers” (2003: 94). An example of an interlocking network would
be Gaudí’s Parc Güell.
2
�In conclusion, another accomplishment that can be attributed to Ildefonso Cerdà is the
creation of many words in the Spanish language. One of these words is “urbanizaciόn,” which he
coined in 1867. He meant it “to define a new field of activity, as yet ‘intact, virgin’, for which the
Spanish language had no appropriate term” (Choay 1969: 7). Up until the Industrial Revolution,
little thought was given to the creation of a plan. Even though the idea of town planning is common
to modern-day urban dwellers, during the nineteenth century this concept was unprecedented.
3
�
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/564/Andrew_Lee_-_The_Eixample.pdf
9cf28394aa5fd211d71cbd66b46fec38
PDF Text
Text
The Eixample
The Eixample district of Barcelona is one which has been enhanced by a vast incorporation
of plant life and medical advances throughout history.
From its inception, Ildefons Cerdà developed the plans for district, which were revised twice.
Cerdà’s district planning revolved around a 113 by 113 meter block system, though these were not
standard city blocks. The blocks designed by Cerdà had “remained open on at least one side, thus
allowing gardens to be an essential part of the Eixample” (Kent 2002: 224). Another incorporation
of greenery that can be seen in the Eixample district is the Rambla de Mar, a wooden walkway
that extends into the Mediterranean sea. Plant life is an essential aspect of the district, as it acts as
a comforting agent from the surrounding city.
The Eixample also saw many advances in medicine. The Hospital de Sant Pau was designed
with the patients in mind. Its goal was to “banish some of the association of hospitals with death
and suffering” (Hughes 2004: 118). Dr. Cardenal and Dr. Botey’s healing houses further
demonstrated the new concept of approaching medicine on a patient-first basis. These healing
houses made patient comfort a priority. Cardenal’s is even described as “abundantly airy and
sunny” (Zarzoso and Martínez-Vidal 2016: 79). This relates to modern-day amenities in hospitals,
such as televisions and internet in waiting rooms as well as toys with which children can play.
The Eixample is separated from other districts by its modern take on plant life within the
city along with its early adoption of modern medicine, putting the patient’s comfort first.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Eixample
Subject
The topic of the resource
Eixample
Description
An account of the resource
The Eixample is a district located in Barcelona, Spain
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Andrew Lee,
Rachel Harris,
Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
02/16/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, Still Image, Sound
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
02/16/2017
Andrew Lee
Barcelona
Eixample
Rachel Harris
Spain
-
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/563/OR_Barrio_Chino.png
0190272438f0f1dd4d8434f726ac4d63
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/563/Barrio_Chino2_OR.1.jpg
a3ae19961dc3d121e3e704d5c40b6cd5
http://collections.ecu.edu/files/original/20/563/Camille_Kresz_Benjamin_Fraser_[eds]_-_Barrio_Chino.pdf
ded90165346de1135bdefbe7ac38925f
PDF Text
Text
Barrio Chino: Description and Important Sites
Barcelona is a city that is divided into two major sections: the old city, more specifically
the Barrio Chino, and the Eixample. Historically, the Barrio Chino (Fifth District) was a place
in Barcelona that remained constantly busy regardless of the bad reputation that it held. People
went there to enjoy themselves and relish in the excitement of the nightlife full of sex, music,
drugs and consequently disease. Nowadays, the area is characterized by construction sites,
graffiti, debris, tight corners, and crooked streets, which paints a negative and grotesque view
of El Barrio. The sounds of jackhammers, bulldozers, and breaking concrete that fill the streets
creates an atmosphere of discontent and restlessness.
The Barrio Chino had a poor reputation around the beginning of the 1900s. It was an area
known for illicit activities, decrepit behavior, and libertarian forms of anarchism. It was full of
crowded streets, large factories full of immigrants, and homes with people in desolate
conditions. Along with these, it was a place that night-life thrived where visitors could gamble
and listen to jazz music. Indeed, this borough played and large role in the emergence of various
musical styles, including jazz, as well as housing concepts of political change related to
libertarian anarchism.
Most of the inhabitants of the Barrio Chino worked in factories and workshops. To quote
Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás, “Barrio Chino was home to a “complex coexistence of diverse urban
subcultures” (2016: 165). Their cafes, cabarets, and taverns were buzzing with political and
social talk. The streets that were known for drugs and prostitution were also home to places for
the sick and poor to be cared for. The Barrio Chino is a place that brought medical advances,
even despite the lack of attention, such as the layout of the healing houses. Likewise, the Barrio
Chino contained anatomical museums, known as museos anatómicos, which helped to
popularize medical culture for the masses. The Barrio Chino was also home to the exclusively
1
�female Queen Amalia prison dedicated to reforming prisoners. Nonetheless, the ruling
government was disgusted, appalled, and wanted a change. (Zarsoso Pardo-Tomas 2016: 165).
In April 1932, the Fifth District in Barcelona was poised to see a rapid change, when
Francesc Macià, a significant political figure in Barcelona, Dr. Jaume Aiguade, the mayor of
the time, and some young Barcelonan architects along with Le Corbusier constructed a plan to
overhaul the space. These plans were incredibly aggressive: they proposed tearing down all
buildings and roads in the area. Despite having high hopes for the region, very few aspects of
the original plan were fully carried out. Construction was essentially halted at the onset of the
civil war when the Franco regime came into power. While these improvements were largely
positive for the new residents of Barrio Chino, the previous inhabitants faced many hardships
with the renovations. Many inhabitants of the city were forced out of their homes and given a
settlement for the homes to be rebuilt and sold at a higher price to middle-class homebuyers.
The inability to convince middle-class homebuyers of the affluent status of the neighborhood
caused the idea of gentrification to fail.
The area was renamed El Raval after the post-Olympic era but is still informally known
as the Barrio Chino (Zarzoso and Pardo-Tomás 2016: 178). Several important monuments are
located in the Barrio Chino, such as the Romea Teater and the church of Sant Pau de Camp.
—Edited by Camille Kresz and Benjamin Fraser with text from Samuel Alvarado,
Victoria Bishop, Grace Langley, Tricia Malcom, Amy Musgrave, Lillie Rhodes, Kendall
Schunk, Jayati Vyas and Ashley Weingartz
2
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Digital Barcelona
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sights around Barcelona
Description
An account of the resource
The items (text documents, audio, video) used in the collection were created by the students from Fall 2016 HONS 2011.003: Barcelona: An Urban Cultural history class taught by Dr. Benjamin Fraser.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Fraser
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Digital Barcelona
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
January 2017
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Irina Swain
Camille Kresz
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Barrio Chino
Subject
The topic of the resource
Barrio Chino
Description
An account of the resource
The Barrio Chino is a district located in Barcelona, Spain
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Samuel Alvarado,
Victoria Bishop,
Grace Langley,
Tricia Malcom,
Amy Musgrave,
Lillie Rhodes,
Kendall Schunk,
Jayati Vyas
Ashley Weingartz
Camille Kresz,
Benjamin Fraser
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Camille Kresz
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
02/16/2017
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Creative Commons
Language
A language of the resource
English, Spanish
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Document, Still Image
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
02/16/2017
Amy Musgrave
Ashley Weingartz
Barcelona
Barrio Chino
Camille Kresz
Grace Langley
Jayati Vyas
Kendall Schunk
Lillie Rhodes
Samuel Alvarado
Spain
Tricia Malcom
Victoria Bishop