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                <text>L’Analyse de Manifeste de la Futurisme futuriste</text>
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                <text>Qu’est-ce que c’est la liberté ? Selon André Breton dans son récit, « Nadja », la liberté comprit le hasard objectif, l’importance de se promener sans but, et l’abolition des institutions.</text>
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                    <text>Montjuïc and Tibidabo
The city of Barcelona has mountains on two of its sides. The mountains are
Montjuïc and the peak of the Collserola range, Tibidabo. Montjuïc is a broad, shallow hill
with a nearly flat top. It is believed that its name comes from the words for “hill of
Jupiter” (Hughes 2004: 33). Montjuïc was used for agriculture and animal grazing
throughout history. The eastern side of the hill has a very sharp drop off from which the
entire harbor can be seen. Robert Hughes described Montjuïc in his work Barcelona: The
Great Enchantress as “the vantage point from which the whole plain of Barcelona could
be seen spreading below” (2004: 4). Throughout history Montjuïc has been home to
many fortifications. Currently the Castle of Montjuïc still stands. The military fortress
dates back to 1640, but it is currently serving as a civic facility for Barcelona. It has seen
many battles, but the government of Barcelona now hopes it can serve as a place for the
people to go for cultural activities.
Tibidabo is the tallest mountain in the Collserolla mountain range, which also
overlooks Barcelona. It is home to The Sacred Heart atop Tibidabo, the first expiatory
temple constructed in Barcelona. The idea behind the expiatory temple is that people
from all over, and from all backgrounds, can come and confess their sins. It was placed
atop the mountain to draw attention and “was clearly meant to impress onlookers near
and far” (Sobrer 2002: 206). It was constructed on the Tibidabo so that it could be seen
from all angles. The hope was that it would impress onlookers and encourage people to
come and repent.

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                    <text>Cerdanyola del Vallès
In No Word From Gurb, by Eduardo Mendoza the narrator begins by telling the
reader that he was able to land his spaceship safely. It becomes very clear that he and his
companion, Gurb, are not from Earth. They show clear signs of being extraterrestrials. It
is explained that they have landed in an area that the locals call “Sardanyola” (1990: 5).
This area is more commonly known now as Cerdanyola del Vallès. It is a town that is
located on the north side of the Collserola ridge, a mountain range that is in between the
rivers Besòs and Llobregat as a part of the Catalan Coastal Range.
Cerdanyola del Vallès is the home to the main campus of the Autonomous
University of Barcelona (UAB), a public university that is famously known for fostering
research. The first human with whom the narrator in No Word From Gurb communicates
is a tenured professor from UAB. According to Oliver Hochadel and Agustí Nieto-Galan,
Barcelona has always fostered scientific and technological advances (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 1). The Autonomous University of Barcelona is a twenty-first-century
example of Barcelona’s continuing contributions to the scientific fields.
As for relaxing in Cerdanyola del Vallès, there is always Synchtron Park. It is a
business park, but it also contains many green spaces. It is a modern attempt at the
famous nineteenth-century urban renewal of Barcelona. Oliver Hochadel and Laura Valls
describe the urban renewal as an attempt to bring greenery into the modern world and
incorporate it into people’s lives (2016: 26). This is exactly what has been done in
Synchtron Park; while it is a place where people work, the interweaving of green spaces
allows the people to reconnect with nature in their everyday lives.

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                  <text>Irina Swain&#13;
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                <text>Cerdanyola del Vallès</text>
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                <text>02/06/2017</text>
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                    <text>Ildefons Cerdà &amp; the Eixample

Due to the growth of the city, something had to be done to handle the larger population. The
rational response was the development of more buildings for housing, shopping, and other things
that are needed for city-life. Therefore, the Eixample was constructed. Built after the city had
already been constructed, in essence, it is an addition or an annex. Even though the plan was
formulated in the year 1855, it took a few years for the plans to be pushed into action. It was
officially approved in 1859 but revised again in the year 1863. Eventually, the area would serve as
a “solution to the problems of developing a new city on a grand scale” (Kent 2002: 224).
The urban planner and architect behind this massive project was a Catalan named Ildefons
Cerdà. Originally trained as a civil engineer, he devoted himself to politics and urban planning
after the death of his brothers. When they did, it resulted with him inheriting a fortune. Once he
discovered that the government decided to listen to the people’s pleading to tear down the city
walls, he realized that the new extension was in peril of being designed just like the old town. He
knew that if it was designed to model the Barcelona at the time, the area would be too uninhabitable
and unattractive—not to mention unhealthy and unclean. Despite all his hard work, he passed away
before he could receive all his wages from the Eixample.
The walls were in place by Barcelona since they were historically used for protection from
invading enemies. When cannons were the primary weapon, it was in the city’s best interest to
have a large vast area; therefore, they could not be easily wiped out by a single cannonball. The
tearing down of the wall and building of the Eixample held “extraordinary significance for
Catalans: it was an epochal event marking [...] the aggregation of urban space” (Resina 2008: 7).

1

�By undertaking work to ensure the new addition would meet the needs of the community,
Cerdà designed a plan that was ahead of its time. He focused on making the streets wider to
accommodate the traveling of carriages and horses. In addition, Cerdà noticed that there was a
need for natural beauty in the city, namely sunlight, greenery, and a clean way to dispose of waste.
Taking these facts into account, Cerdà designed what he termed “interways.” Interways were
similar to squares, but instead of being closed off on all four sides, the fourth side was open. In
some cases, more than one side was left opened. This further allowed for more gardens, which
were an essential aspect of the Eixample. The interway composed a grid or interweaving of several
street blocks. Each measuring 113 x 113 meters, the street blocks were uniformed and added to
the structured and orderly atmosphere of the addition.
In Cerdà’s perception, gardens were more than just a distraction from buildings—they were
essential to a city. While it was undeniable that gardens can be a spectacle, they are also a hygienic
necessity. Cerdà even states that “gardens act as air tanks.” He felt that gardens were so important
that he wanted to incorporate green spaces throughout Barcelona. This plan included developing
two parks: one on Montjuïc and one alongside the Besòs River. While his plans involving these
two parks were never actualized, his ideas sparked the government in Barcelona to consider its
need for a large substantial park or green space.
Instead of an interlocking network, which was traditional for many city planners at the
time, Cerdà’s plan included a rectilinear grid for the Eixample that was vastly complex and
disciplined. In Peter J. Taylor’s book World City Network: A Global Urban Analysis, the idea of
an interlocking network was explained as, “a general conceptualization of city network formation
involving a range of city networkers” (2003: 94). An example of an interlocking network would
be Gaudí’s Parc Güell.

2

�In conclusion, another accomplishment that can be attributed to Ildefonso Cerdà is the
creation of many words in the Spanish language. One of these words is “urbanizaciόn,” which he
coined in 1867. He meant it “to define a new field of activity, as yet ‘intact, virgin’, for which the
Spanish language had no appropriate term” (Choay 1969: 7). Up until the Industrial Revolution,
little thought was given to the creation of a plan. Even though the idea of town planning is common
to modern-day urban dwellers, during the nineteenth century this concept was unprecedented.

3

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                    <text>The Eixample

The Eixample district of Barcelona is one which has been enhanced by a vast incorporation
of plant life and medical advances throughout history.
From its inception, Ildefons Cerdà developed the plans for district, which were revised twice.
Cerdà’s district planning revolved around a 113 by 113 meter block system, though these were not
standard city blocks. The blocks designed by Cerdà had “remained open on at least one side, thus
allowing gardens to be an essential part of the Eixample” (Kent 2002: 224). Another incorporation
of greenery that can be seen in the Eixample district is the Rambla de Mar, a wooden walkway
that extends into the Mediterranean sea. Plant life is an essential aspect of the district, as it acts as
a comforting agent from the surrounding city.
The Eixample also saw many advances in medicine. The Hospital de Sant Pau was designed
with the patients in mind. Its goal was to “banish some of the association of hospitals with death
and suffering” (Hughes 2004: 118). Dr. Cardenal and Dr. Botey’s healing houses further
demonstrated the new concept of approaching medicine on a patient-first basis. These healing
houses made patient comfort a priority. Cardenal’s is even described as “abundantly airy and
sunny” (Zarzoso and Martínez-Vidal 2016: 79). This relates to modern-day amenities in hospitals,
such as televisions and internet in waiting rooms as well as toys with which children can play.
The Eixample is separated from other districts by its modern take on plant life within the
city along with its early adoption of modern medicine, putting the patient’s comfort first.

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                    <text>Electricity, Technology and Architecture

Technology in Barcelona thrived in the early 1900s thanks to healthy competition between
many firms (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Before the introduction of electricity and light
and the founding of the Asociación Española de Luminotecnia (AEL), citizens of Barcelona lived
a lifestyle that revolved around daylight; they were not able to do a majority of things once the sun
had set, because they were not able to see. The AEL had goals to change all of this—it did not aim
to make artificial light a luxury good, but a normal item which anyone could enjoy. The AEL
wanted to be able to “spread ‘modern’ methods for ‘scientific’ use of light and its practical
application to hygiene, traffic regulation, decoration, and home comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan
2016: 223). They wanted people all over the city to be able to improve their daily life functions by
extending the time periods in which they were able to do them. This took time and many different
approaches. The switch to a more thermal and hydroelectric approach lowered costs and allowed
for more civilians to be able to have electricity at their disposal. In 1915, the city held the
International Exhibition of Electrical Industries, which “celebrate(d) the city’s early
electrification” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). Due to competition with wood, kerosene
lamps and candles, “it took decades for electricity to fully spread into urban life” (Ferran and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 225). There were many ups and downs in cost, efficiency, and benefit that took
a toll on Barcelona’s inhabitants, but in the end electricity was efficient and beneficial enough that
it could then be used in other locations across the Catalan capital.
Electrical light is evidence of an entirely different kind of, yet monumental, modernism
that reached Barcelona in the 1800s. To imagine Barcelona without electricity today would be to
pretend as though half of the city did not even exist. “Electric lighting was presented as an agent
of change from night into day” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 231), allowing for the emergence

�of electrical appliances and longer opening hours for shops. This also made life at home easier, as
all the rooms in the house could continue to be used even at night. La Rambla was the prime
location for experimenting with the trials and errors of urban electricity. The first time that light
was truly implemented and used efficiently was during the year 1875. A spotlight was put in place
illuminating an area of approximately 750 meters, from the Porta de la Pau to the Opera, the Liceu
(Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 223). During this time there was also another lighting fixture set
up to illuminate a factory that was next to the seafront. The 1880s and onward were known as a
transitional period for Barcelona; during this time, “electricity played a crucial role in the profound
technological changes that progressively transformed urban landscapes and citizens’ habits”
(Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224-25).
The AEL was the first group that tackled attempting to introduce lighting to Barcelona, but
it was not until Universal Exhibitions were held in both 1888 and 1929 that it became a more
locally acceptable thing to use in daily life. It was also during the year 1888 when the Exhibition
was held where “more than 2,000 Edison electric lamps passed through La Rambla, Passeig de
Colom (Hotel International), the exhibition, and on its grounds, the magic fountain and the night
celebrations at the maritime display” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 224). This allowed for the
night time to now become an active time where tasks and chores could be done, instead of only
being limited to the daytime. After the Exhibition in 1888, the Parc de la Ciutadella, along with La
Rambla, became the hot spots for “science popularization,” with the creation of such sites as the
Museu Martorell, the zoological garden, and the Umbracle (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez
2016: 97). These additions to the Parc de la Ciutadella were things that the public had never seen
before, which would make them more open to new technology that was being brought up during
this time. The citizens became more familiar with change, which then made them more open to

�the idea of trial and error that came with the introduction of electricity in their area. This allowed
for the start of the modification of La Rambla, which would in turn lead to the modification of all
of Barcelona.
Although there was quite a bit of opposition to the idea of electric lighting in Barcelona at
first, the exchange of new electrical knowledge led to its widespread use. Introduction of electricity
is known as one of the “most thrilling developments in the interwar period” in Barcelona (Ferran
and Nieto-Galan 2016: 228). The 1929 Barcelona International Exhibition paved the way for
marketing and advertising techniques that were eventually able to spread the idea to every corner
of the city. For example, even though people in the neighborhood of Sant Gervasi were against an
electric lamppost, the people residing in the Poble Sec neighborhood celebrated lighting. The
change in people’s minds in regards to electricity can be partially attributed to the magnificence
of the electric magic fountain designed by Carles Buigas. It was the most liked spectacle at the
Exhibition, and it helped the public appreciate electricity. As a result, electric lighting attracted
new customers in places like the Pompeya music hall in Paral-lel or Cinema Mayland in Placa
d’Urquinaona (Hughes 2004: 127). Shops on Avinguda del Portal de l’Angel continuously kept
their lights on at night in order to promote their businesses (Ferran and Nieto-Galan 2016: 237).
Many groups wanted to further incorporate the use of electrical light into the home and appliances.
To do so, showrooms were created to demonstrate how artificial light could be incorporated into
the home. These models were meant to replicate a home setting in order to encourage others to use
electrical lighting. Additionally, in 1930, the Barcelona City Council announced that the owner
of the best lit shop window would receive a reward of 10,000 pesetas. Thirty-six shops entered,
and this was a successful attempt in spreading the use of electrical light in Barcelona (Ferran and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 235). After a while, ‘showrooms’ became very popular as they provided a space

�for experts as well as laypeople to come gain knowledge on electrical lighting as well as compare
electrical devices such as lamps, vacuum cleaners, refrigerators, etc. before making a decision to
buy one. This helped bridge the gap between skepticism and curiosity, allowing people to focus
on the benefits of electrical lighting and begin incorporating it seamlessly in their everyday life. In
short, “electricity [raised people] to the throne of the utmost comfort” (Ferran and Nieto-Galan
2016: 238), and in turn, completely transformed the nature and progression of Barcelona’s urban
atmosphere in a relatively short period of time.
While modern technology is used for light, it can also be used for recreation. The
installation of electrical lighting in the city paved the way for the emergence of amusement parks
throughout Barcelona. The article “Technological Fun” describes the “politics and geographies”
of amusement parks (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and begins with a journalistic
text from 1926. The journalist describes the city as “dancing a marvelous dance around the
foreigner” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 92) and continues to describe the dizzy
feelings and sharp sounds juxtaposed with city work life—the amusement parks are “alongside
transport networks” and function in conjunction with the city (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez
2016: 92). The authors make a point that amusement parks are not just for fun, three things are
considered.

“The public and their experience of technological fun” comes first, then “the

mechanical rides,” and finally, “the promoters and their ideologies” (Sastre-Juan and ValentinesÁlvarez 2016: 96).
The fact that “amusement parks are included as elements of the perceived experience of
urban technification and transformation of public spaces” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez
2016: 92) speaks to the underlying technological, social, and political significance they possess.
Back then, all amusements parks were located on the periphery of the city of Barcelona, in three

�main areas: Parc de la Ciutadella, Collserola mountain range, and Montjuic Hill (Sastre-Juan and
Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 95), otherwise known as the ‘technological fun belt’. These amusement
parks were chockfull of rides, cafes, open green spaces, museums, sculptures, and so on. They
were originally targeted towards the bourgeoisie, but eventually customers from the middle class
and ‘respectable’ part of the working class began to visit them as well. The first mechanical
rollercoaster was introduced in 1888 in the Parc de la Ciutadella but was later moved to Placa de
Catalunya (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 96). These mechanical rides were not the
only attractions at the parks. At amusement parks one could enjoy “music, eating, drinking,
strolling around, and watching other people” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 97).
In addition to being places that provided entertainment to people of all ages, amusement
parks were a grand representation of the influence of urbanism on the city of Barcelona. The
explosion in the popularity of amusement parks occurred during “urban transformations and social
struggles” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Álvarez 2016: 100). This, nonetheless, had negative
implications on the impoverished residents of the shanties that previously occupied the area that
Montjuic now did. Not everyone in Barcelona was a proponent of these parks, and there was
notable resistance to their being located within the city. Alongside the ‘technological fun belt’ was
the ‘red-and-black belt’, where the poor people were being relocated to ‘casas baratas,’ or ‘cheap
houses’. To tie it all together, “the regime of the pleasure of the new mechanized and standardized
technological fun was closely tied to the rise of the new technical elites and in tune with the new
regimes of knowledge” (Sastre-Juan and Valentines-Alvarez 2016: 111). All of this, then, was
about much more than just roller coaster rides. Changes in electricity and technology were
transforming urban culture in Barcelona.

�Architecture has been another spectacular presence in the Catalan Capital. In the third
chapter of his book Barcelona: The Great Enchantress, Robert Hughes describes the period of the
Renaixence as having “plenty of architecture of stunning and almost implausible originality”
(Hughes 2004: 113) and compares the culture of Barcelona to a museum (Hughes 2004: 114). In
addressing the transitions between old and new perspectives on architecture and technology,
Hughes compares buildings before and after the Renaissance in terms of technological
advancements. He explains the various ways in which brick can be used, for example, noting that
it can create “flat Catalan arches, round Moorish ones, cogging, diapers, tricky reveals, [or]
corbels” (Hughes 2004: 116). This was groundbreaking, as brick had previously been seen as a
plain material with little more than a single use. Hughes’ fascination with developing architectural
shapes and figures is evident in his admiration of the workmanship of the Palau de la Musica
Catalana, where he states, “No modernista building in Barcelona was or ever would be as
ecstatically received as Domènech’s Palau de la Musica Catalana” (Hughes 2004: 126-27). This
particular building was awarded the Argument's best building prize in 1908 for displaying “genius
and art characteristic of Catalunya, strong as its race, great as its history, and beautiful as its
incomparable sky” (Hughes 2004: 116). Hughes continues to describe the building, stating that no
music hall had such an “intense, even furious” commitment and loyalty to its performers as this
building did. Additionally, He admires the Sagrada Familia for both its architecture, and its ability
to bring people together: “The Sagrada Familia was intended to be what its name say: a temple,
where Catalans would converge to do penance for the sins of modernity (Hughes 2004: 130).
These and other readings discussing interconnected issues of electricity, technology, and
architecture in Barcelona highlight the social discontent in Barcelona that comes with the evolution
of new ideas. While not all people agree with shifts to modernity, they can be indicative of details

�about the culture affected by the changes. Overall, the challenges Barcelona faced were connected
to a sense of pride, being as it was said that “there is no blood and race definition of who is and
isn’t a Catalan. The mere fact of being Catalan confers no rights or privileges in Catalunya”
(Hughes 2004: 130). The people of Catalunya were the ones who were there from the start to the
finish; they went through it all, and experienced everything and they felt very prideful in this fact.

—Edited by Benjamin Fraser from original texts by Andrew Lee, Jayati Vyas, Claudia
Woznichak

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                    <text>Parc de la Ciutadella
The connection between places and scientific discoveries has been explored by historians
of science. The attention in this research has been shifted away from “‘traditional’ sites of
knowledge such as laboratories, observatories and collections” and toward “sites such as […]
hospitals, churches, princely courts, pubs, and coffee house[s]… and many more” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). It was found that the location of the site and of the discovery mattered.
Visitors to such sites determine the “social meaning” of the “urban space” by using it as a place
for “everyday activities” rather than making these discoveries in distant laboratories (Sánchez
2002: 296). The urban environment of Barcelona “shaped the practices […] related to science,
technology and medicine” but these practices also “changed the urban environment” (Hochadel
and Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). This two-way dynamic relationship between practice and environment
helps shape the city and its ideas.
In Barcelona there are several specific locations that have “scientific practices”
associated with “a particular quarter” or “in a specific urban place” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan
2016: 7). The significance of these places exists in the minds of society. For example, it matters
“where the amusement parks were located, where the Barcelonese visited the museums […], and
where the sick sought medical advice and treatments” (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 7).
These places show “the ways in which scientific knowledge was transferred” (Hochadel and
Nieto-Galan 2016: 7). The Board of Natural Sciences, or The Junta, had these ideas in mind
when they created Parc de la Ciutadella.
Parc de la Ciutadella was created to be “a space for the popularization of natural history”
(Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). The Parc was created with the idea that “Public parks […] were
supposed to provide a social remedy” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 27). The “remedy” was the

�idea of “social control of the working classes” that they planned to provide in the Parc, “by
means of ‘civilized’ entertainment and recreation” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 27). The other
agenda behind the panning of the park was to educate its visitors and to popularize the ideas of
science.
The plan for the Parc was approved in 1872. It was to be located “just north of the city
centre” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25) at the former site of a military fort. The first building in
the park was “the enormous Cascada in the northern corner of the Parc” (Hochadel and Valls
2016: 29). An artificial lake was also created on the Parc grounds to enhance the natural
experience. A major addition came in 1882 when the “the Museu Martorell was inaugurated in
the Parc” and became the “first public museum in Barcelona” that was “devoted to natural
history and archeology” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 30).
The idea for creating a zoo in the Parc de la Ciutadella was a natural one, since exotic
animals gifted to the government were already stored there. The inauguration of the zoo took
place in 1892. Originally the zoo was owned by Lluís Martí-Codolar and managed by Francesc
Darder. They collected “roughly 160 animals” but then “financial difficulties led Martí-Codolar
to sell it to the city of Barcelona in the spring of 1892” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 32). Operating
costs of the facility were covered by the sale of the animals and of their products. The Parc zoo
was small when taken in comparison with other European zoos but was still majorly successful.
Due to the success of the zoo, the Junta “advocated the development of the scientific
facilities of the Parc” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 34). The idea behind these new developments
was to be able to provide the city with a way to combat urban poverty. To do this they tried to
show the public the ways they could capitalize on natural resources. The Junta inaugurated an
aquarium in 1908. To expand this project, the Fish Laboratory was added in 1909. The

�laboratory contained a breeding program and was conceived with the plan “to repopulate the
rivers and lakes of Catalonia” (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 38).

Municipalities could take

advantage of this resource and obtain fish and fish eggs for their rivers and lakes.
The many resources and attractions of the Parc led to its popularization. This
popularization led to the spread of the ideas and the scientific topics it sought to promote. The
public then incorporated these ideas into society but still maintained the constant association
with the Parc and its ideas.

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                    <text>Parc de la Ciutadella
The Parc de la Ciutadella, or Citadel Park, was created by Catholic naturalists to
conserve, protect, and popularize natural history for the public. The park contains a life-size
mammoth statue that would dwarf most men and women. This is meant to represent the
“fragmentary mammoth fossils found in Catalonia since 1883,” to educate those who visited the
monument, and most of all, to impress (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 25). The mammoth statue was
not the only attraction that the park had to impress visitors. An impressive collection of massive
rocks was gathered, each representing both the donations of a “connoisseur” and “the richness
and utility of the geological resources” available to the Catalan (Hochadel and Valls 2016: 37).
Additional attractions were added to the park over time, including a Fish Laboratory and
Zoological Garden. These served two purposes: education and economic growth. Nature could
be utilized to teach visitors while simultaneously producing revenue for the Catalan who wanted
to preserve their history and identity. The Parc de la Ciutadella also contained the first public
museum, Museu Martorell. This reflects a change in the “landscape of Barcelona’s scientific
institutions” at the turn of the century (Hochadel and Nieto-Galan 2016: 5). Architecture also
evolved greatly with the park’s inception. The Arc de Triomf by Josep Vilaseca “inspired
successive generations of Barcelona’s administrators to consider grand events as a means to
transform the city in their own image” (Kent 2002: 225). The park’s focus remained on revenue
and impressing visitors with attractions rather than their own culture. As a result, while the Parc
de la Ciutadella succeeded in bringing history to the people, it may not have succeeded in
preserving Catalan culture to the fullest.

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